scholarly journals Abordarea conflictului transnistrean în stânga Nistrului și în lucrările proseparatiste / Approaching the Transnistrian conflict on the left bank of the Dniester in the pro-separatist works as well

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-177
Author(s):  
Lidia Prisac

The article reveals the historiographical approach of Transnistrian separatism in the works of pro-separatist authors, Russian and those publicized in the Eastern part of the Republic of Moldova. The author presents the works that appeared until 2005. As it is ascertained, researchers dwell upon the Transnistrian separatism problem from the position of the environment they were rooted in, projecting their research results on the present and the future, or out of the need to aliment and decode their identity, to feed their imagination. The pro-separatist historiography includes the same ideas regarding the MSSR history. This means nothing but “the translation” of the past into present or the mechanic and passionate protection of the present into the past, the positive or negative capitalization of historical events, or decline in the run of deformation and fabrication in pro-separatist historiography was produced due to an ideological approach of the Transnistrian problem. Albeit, generally speaking, all authors both from Transnistria and the Russian Federation recognize the impact of the Russian Federation in generating and perpetuating the Transnistrian separatism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Václav Pravda

Summary This article elaborates on the issue of recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in the Russian Federation. It is common knowledge that foreign companies seeking R&E in Russia suffered damage because of the broad interpretation of Russian public policy in the past decades. However, it is uncertain how the present judicial development appears like and where it will lead in the future. The article specifically considers two basic ideas on the issue at hand: one is slightly critical (Karabelnikov) while the second is rather optimistic in regard with the recent development (Zykov). The main goal is to introduce the issue to the respective readers and to try to inflame a discussion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


Author(s):  
Oleh Kozachuk ◽  
Grigore Vasilescu

The article examines the issues of counteracting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation in the countries of the Eastern Partnership. It is stated that European Union has been implementing the Eastern Partnership policy for more than ten years. This implementation has been a resounding success for all, without exception, the six target states. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia have advanced much more in their European aspirations. However, this does not stop the Russian Federation from further positioning all the states that were once part of the USSR as a sphere of its ultimate influence. Russia is also producing rivalry with the EU for influencing all, without exception, the Eastern Partnership states and even the EU. An overview of academic research analyzing the resilience of the EU in the face of Russia in the context of its impact on the Eastern Partnership countries is set out in this article. Some approaches have been used to define the EU as a “normative power” and Russia’s controversial policy towards neighbouring countries. The examination of the works described in the article concludes that the Russian Federation continues to regard neighbouring states as its sphere of influence, particularly Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. Moscow considers any attempt by a third party to interfere as an intrusion on its unique field of power. As can be observed from the investigated sources, Russia’s activities are scarcely diplomatic or focused on global democratic norms. In its Eastern Partnership strategy, the EU, on the other hand, utilizes values as a guideline. Simultaneously, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, and Georgia must demand immediate modifications to the Eastern Partnership policy. The potential of EU membership, in particular, must be appropriately explained by Brussels.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 55-68
Author(s):  
Tatiana N. Litvinova ◽  
Olga V. Vershinina

The paper examines the social and economic aspects of integrating the Republic of Crimea into the Russian Federation. This study is making a new contribution to sociology, as it brings together social and economic statistics and studies of the population’s perception of the impact that the new region’s integration has had on Russian society (conducted as an online survey). We analyze the population’s quality of life indices: average per capita income, expense structure, and minimum wage. The study allows us to conclude that the region is falling far behind the national average per capita income, as well as the relevant figures in most other regions of the Southern Federal District. In order to provide a counterpoint to these statistics regarding Russians’ opinion on the consequences of the Republic of Crimea joining the country, we conducted a sociological online survey (n=1012) among both Crimean inhabitants and people living elsewhere in Russia. The survey shows that the evaluation of the peninsula’s integration into Russia is mostly positive (72%) and neutral (18%), and that a lot of Russians, even though they may never have even visited Crimea, show great concern regarding the region’s social and economic issues, such as the condition of its infrastructure, local tourism, banking and loan restrictions, etc.


Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 42-50
Author(s):  
D. E. Barsegyan

The article considers the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the impact of tariff preferences on foreign trade between two countries. The analysed measures were: dynamics of the Russian Federation’s exports to the Republic of Serbia, dynamics of the Russian Federation’s imports from the Republic of Serbia, tariff preferences applied between countries. The article provides statistical data on the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia for 2010–2019 and their dependence on the application of tariff preferences, as well as indicators of trade between the EAEU and the EAEU member states with the Republic of Serbia for 2017–2019. The paper analyses the possible directions of Serbia’s participation in the EAEU and the European Union, assesses the benefits of creating a free trade zone between the EAEU and Serbia, as well as the costs of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. The importance of tariff preferences in the development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Serbia is shown.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kateryna Nekit ◽  
Volodymyr Zubar

Abstract The focus of this research is to define the common and distinctive features of the approaches used by lawmakers in the post-Soviet states (Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Republic of Belarus and Russian Federation) for the purpose of implementing fiduciary management and fiduciary ownership institutes into their respective national laws. It has been established that over the course of the fiduciary management and fiduciary ownership institutes development in the countries referenced above, similar solutions were initially applied. Thus, an effort was made to implement the institute of trust inherent in the common-law countries into the systems of civil law. However, the effort did not come to fruition and that resulted in the fiduciary management institute being implemented. However, notwithstanding the similarities in the general approaches to determining the content of the fiduciary management provisions in all post-Soviet countries, the situation in Ukraine came out to be different from that in other countries. Following the adoption of the Civil Code (CC) of Ukraine with the fiduciary management institute enshrined therein, the Code was amended by adding the provisions on fiduciary ownership, but typical for the Civil Law countries. Over a long period of time, the Ukrainian legislation was the only one that referred to the institute of fiduciary ownership (fiducia), but due to recent dramatic overhaul, the CC of the Republic of Moldova was amended by the provisions on fiducia as well. This research represents a review of modern statutory provisions of Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Republic of Belarus and Russian Federation covering fiduciary management and fiduciary ownership, including identification of common and distinguishing features thereof. It is found that as of today, the laws of the Russian Federation and Republic of Belarus do not go beyond fiduciary management, whereas those existing in the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine refer to both fiduciary management and fiducia institutes. Outlined in the research are differences between fiduciary management, trust and fiducia. The research also offers an insight into the degree of influence the Draft Common Frame of Reference and provisions of the CC of Romania and CC of France, those related to trust and fiducia, had on the formation of fiduciary ownership concept in the legislation of the Republic of Moldova. Also included in the research is the analysis of the latest changes in the legislation of Ukraine, related to the introduction of fiduciary ownership as a means to secure the performance of obligations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-96
Author(s):  
Alexandr Davidenko

The hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the independent Republic of Moldova in the Transnistrian region in 1992 (Pridnestrov‘ye), and the Ukrainian point of view to that mentioned aggression. The year 2014, the beginning of the aggressive hybrid war of the Russian Federation against independent Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the occupation of parts of the territory of Ukrainian Donetsk and Luhansk regions (Donbass). A common the problem for the World is the lack of a real-world counter mechanism similar to hybrid aggression, stopping such conflicts and resolving them.


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