scholarly journals Faktor - Faktor Penyebab Kudeta Terhadap Kekuasaan Moammar Khadafi di Libya

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-345
Author(s):  
Jenni Irene Corry M ◽  
Karina Septiani ◽  
Maulana Diki
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The People ◽  
Green Book ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring

In the concept of the internal conflict, Michael Brown explained there are political factors, economic, social, cultural and structural contribute to conflict within a country. The fourth order assist researchers in analyzing the causes of the coup against Moammar Gaddafi in Libya. During the 42-year reign of Moammar Gaddaf, the Libyan people have political issues such as curbs on political activity, political institutional discrimination, exclusive state ideology, significant internal political groups and the role of the political elite that interfere with the freedom of the people. Then economic issues such as economic discrimination, unemployment, and corruption in the Gaddafi’s family that give rise to high social inequalities. Coupled with the structural and socio-cultural factors such as discrimination against minorities, gender, and state institutions are not effective as inhibitors of the country's development. Gaddafi uses his own thoughts in undergoing government, by creating the Green Book rules as guidelines for political, economic, and social. Began when the Arab Spring swept Tunisian and Egyptian people who successfully staged a coup against their leader, there arises a sense of longing for the same freedom. Then triggered by the arrest of human rights campaigner who conducted the country's security forces in February 2011 and the blocking of internet sites in the emergence of large demonstrations - demanding the release of their scale and the overthrow of Moammar Gaddafi in the Libyan leadership. 

scholarly journals Legitimating Social Inequality: Political Elites, Ethnic Peddling and Dislocated Constituencies

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (26) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Charles Che Fonchingong
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequality ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Policy Design ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
Documentary Analysis ◽  
The People ◽  
False Sense

Political cronyism has been flagged up as a trigger for state dysfunction in post-independence Africa, resulting in escalating social inequality. This paper lays out elite (mostly elderly) dislocation of political space; polarizing communities with constituents feeling distant from governmental machinery with constituency representation under siege. Using case studies, backed up with documentary analysis, framed in conjunction with the conceptual thinking of deliberative democracy; this study engages with the elements of dislocation. Constituency misrepresentation is laid out through a triangulation of case study material drawn from newspaper reports, discourses and counter narratives, amplified by process tracing and inferential analysis. Elite manipulation of political spaces exacerbates social inequality, creates fractured communities; undermines democratic mandate, social advancement and broad citizen consensus. From media coverage of glib slogans, elite pledge generic support for the regime in place whilst constituents are giving false expectations that seldom materialize into concrete development. There are no clear-cut manifestos that reflect the voices of constituents against bogus claims to state institutions with the political elite purportedly speaking on behalf of their constituents -‘the people’. The ensuing inertia creates a false sense of representative governance as projects promised are rarely delivered. Slogans should usefully channel the development needs of constituents, permitting government to calibrate a robust development portfolio and citizen assemblies factored into policy design and service delivery. Developing a stakeholder approach and building the capability of social development professionals, in order to filter through pressing concerns with measurable outcomes, bolstering youth employment and fostering social protection would remove the lock jams in constituencies. Strategic spending in public services and essential infrastructure such as health, roads, transport, water, power supply and education are crucial in reducing inequality.

scholarly journals Institutional Mechanisms of Land Development Management

2020 ◽  
pp. 6-14
Author(s):  
Hryhorii Sharyi ◽  
Svitlana Nesterenko
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Land Development ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The People ◽  
Economic Methods ◽  
Institutional Infrastructure ◽  
Land Relations ◽  
Legal Structures ◽  
Political Economic

A new institutional and neo-institutional theory theoretical apparatus in the field of land economy are revised and the necessity for further land development institutionalization in Ukraine is determined. Social economic relations are analyzed. It is revealed that land relations have an essential structure: in the form of an institutional complex, based on the traditional, customary and religious norms of individuals behavior, as well as social, political, economic, legal and other institutions, as stable socio-economic, organizational and legal structures, institutions and organizations. The main principles of new institutional and neo-institutional economy in the land sphere are determined, namely institute-centrism, limited rationality, historicism, economic opportunism, land good. The relationship nature of land relations institutionalization means with peculiarities of state financial and economic space formation in the author's interpretation is considered at the development level in Ukraine of land circulation institutional infrastructure, The State Land Bank and the National Land Fund formation as state institutions. It has been found that evolutionary institutional changes are inherent in social land development when partial peripheral gradual changes in rules and regulations cause gradual changes and land development. It is proved that state, having administrative advantages, acting by economic methods and methods of legal influence, should change and adapt the institutional environment, as a set of rules, norms that form the basis of production, exchange and redistribution in the land sphere, because the main link in the bundle of land rights, belongs to the people of Ukraine.

scholarly journals Occupy Wall Street, the Global Crisis, and Antisystemic Movements

2013 ◽  
pp. 186-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas E. Reifer
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
New Wave ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
The People ◽  
Systemic Crisis ◽  
Capitalist World ◽  
The Rich ◽  
To Come ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring

The ancient discussion about the purposes of wealth and the conflict between oligarchy- rule of the rich - and democracy- the rule of the demos/the people comes to the fore once again within the current systemic crisis, from the Arab Spring to the Occupy protests, to the Arab Fall. Even as counterrevolution and growing regional and global turbulence - political, economic and military - appear to be triumphing over the new wave of democratic revolutions and rebellions, at least in the Arab world, with the threat of regional and global conflagration all too real, the underlying structural causes reality of a militarized capitalist world-system in deep crisis will ensure continued waves of antisystemic protests for years to come.

scholarly journals DIMENSI KEKUASAAN PENGHULU ADAT MELAYU RIAU DALAM PELAKSANAAN DEMOKRASI LOKAL

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Asrinaldi Asrinaldi ◽  
Azwar Azwar
Keyword(s):  
Field Research ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Process ◽  
The Social

The Malay penghulu adat have traditional authority that can direct their people to maintain their own identity and existence. In fact, although the function of these Malay penghulu adat is only in the context of customs and culture, but in some cases these penghulu also influence the implementation of local democracy.  For example, in the election process of the head of the region, although the function of the penghulu adat leader as a leader can direct the tribe and his people, but this function is rarely used because it is contrary to the principle of propriety in Malay custom. Nevertheless, the presence of this penghulu adat remains important to strengthen the legitimacy of the power of the political elite.  This is reasonable because the legitimacy of the Malay customary is very important as a basis for building political support derived from indigenous communities. This article is derived from field research using descriptive qualitative methods. The informants of this research are adat penghulu, members of local elections commissions, bureaucrats, politicians and local academics. This article finds the dimensions of  the Malay penghulu adat authority only used to establish Malay identity by strengthening Malay customs and culture. Moreover, the people of Riau are more complex than the social and cultural aspects. Their involvement gives support to the regional head only in order to preserve Malay culture to be accommodated in local government policy and not in the form of political activity. Therefore it is not surprising that every Riau governor is given the title of Datuk Seri Setia Amanah customs so that those who are given this title take part in preserving Riau Malay culture.

scholarly journals København - Cairo tur/retur: Om transnational politisk aktivisme under karikaturkrisen og det ‘arabiske forår’

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Lasse Lindekilde
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Transnational Activism ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Boomerang Effect ◽  
The Media ◽  
Transnational Activities ◽  
The Arab Spring

Recent scholarly work on political protest has often highlighted the potential of new social media in gathering transnational support and driving political reforms, not least in authoritarian regimes. This idea seems to have won even more credence after the ‘online revolutions’ of the ‘Arab spring’ in early 2011. However, as this article demonstrates, attempts at creating transnational exposure of national political issues through various forms of transnational political activism may also, under certain circumstances, be linked to significant costs. The article delivers an empirical analysis of the effects of Danish Muslims’ transnational activities during the Muhammad cartoons controversy in 2005/06 on subsequent Muslim claims-making. The article argues that the envisioned ‘boomerang effect’ of the transnational activities – the attempt to put pressure on Danish authorities by contacting political and religious authorities in the Middle East – backfired on Danish Muslims. The transnational move was successfully ‘securitized’ by elements of the media and the political elite, inviting soft forms of repression against especially the Muslim actors involved in the delegations of primarily religious authorities that travelled to Egypt, Lebanon, and Syria in December 2005. These actors were forced into a more defensive mode of claims-making soon after their return to Denmark through processes of name-calling and stigmatization. Building on this case study, the article concludes by suggesting some theoretical modifications/specifications of the boomerang model of transnational activism.

Electing the Senate

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart III
Keyword(s):  
Original Data ◽  
State Legislators ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Senate Elections ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Seventeenth Amendment ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Process

From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.

The Influence of Modern Party System on the Development of Parliamentarism in Russia: Institutional, Political and Psychological Aspects

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Party System ◽  
Psychological Aspects ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Voting System ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Opinion Polls

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.

A Glimpse of Light in the Mid of Darkness Perspectives of Hope in the poetry of E. A. Robinson

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (34) ◽  
pp. 593-612
Author(s):  
Salih Abdullah Abdulrahman
Keyword(s):  
The People ◽  
Inner Light ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Urgent Necessity

       This paper examines the concept of the light as a symbol of hope and a guide in the poetry of  E. A. Robinson who is considered to be America’s first modern poet. Robinson lived in an age that witnessed the decadence and the disintegration of America and the whole world at all levels: social, political, economic, and spiritual. Unimpeachably, his role as a poet demanded for him to reflect upon the problems arising and to inseminate in the people of his time a glimmer of hope which would help them continue living. Such an optimistic vision manifests itself in his concept of light which is symptomatic of hope. The individuals he portrays in his poetry are led by this guiding light whose absence testifies to the fact that darkness dominates the situation.  For example, Credo, Richard Cory, and other characters seem to have lost sight of the inner light, a light that is parallel to faith. They move between moments of despair and hope, pessimism and optimism, darkness and light. Eventually, the paper concludes that Robinson presented in his poetry a kind of optimistic philosophy that was an urgent necessity in his age in order to encounter the pressures of life with bravery, fortitude, and determination.

scholarly journals Killing a Constitution with a Thousand Cuts: Executive Aggrandizement and Party-state Fusion in India

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Norms

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.

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