scholarly journals Legitimating Social Inequality: Political Elites, Ethnic Peddling and Dislocated Constituencies

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (26) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Charles Che Fonchingong

Political cronyism has been flagged up as a trigger for state dysfunction in post-independence Africa, resulting in escalating social inequality. This paper lays out elite (mostly elderly) dislocation of political space; polarizing communities with constituents feeling distant from governmental machinery with constituency representation under siege. Using case studies, backed up with documentary analysis, framed in conjunction with the conceptual thinking of deliberative democracy; this study engages with the elements of dislocation. Constituency misrepresentation is laid out through a triangulation of case study material drawn from newspaper reports, discourses and counter narratives, amplified by process tracing and inferential analysis. Elite manipulation of political spaces exacerbates social inequality, creates fractured communities; undermines democratic mandate, social advancement and broad citizen consensus. From media coverage of glib slogans, elite pledge generic support for the regime in place whilst constituents are giving false expectations that seldom materialize into concrete development. There are no clear-cut manifestos that reflect the voices of constituents against bogus claims to state institutions with the political elite purportedly speaking on behalf of their constituents -‘the people’. The ensuing inertia creates a false sense of representative governance as projects promised are rarely delivered. Slogans should usefully channel the development needs of constituents, permitting government to calibrate a robust development portfolio and citizen assemblies factored into policy design and service delivery. Developing a stakeholder approach and building the capability of social development professionals, in order to filter through pressing concerns with measurable outcomes, bolstering youth employment and fostering social protection would remove the lock jams in constituencies. Strategic spending in public services and essential infrastructure such as health, roads, transport, water, power supply and education are crucial in reducing inequality.

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-345
Author(s):  
Jenni Irene Corry M ◽  
Karina Septiani ◽  
Maulana Diki

In the concept of the internal conflict, Michael Brown explained there are political factors, economic, social, cultural and structural contribute to conflict within a country. The fourth order assist researchers in analyzing the causes of the coup against Moammar Gaddafi in Libya. During the 42-year reign of Moammar Gaddaf, the Libyan people have political issues such as curbs on political activity, political institutional discrimination, exclusive state ideology, significant internal political groups and the role of the political elite that interfere with the freedom of the people. Then economic issues such as economic discrimination, unemployment, and corruption in the Gaddafi’s family that give rise to high social inequalities. Coupled with the structural and socio-cultural factors such as discrimination against minorities, gender, and state institutions are not effective as inhibitors of the country's development. Gaddafi uses his own thoughts in undergoing government, by creating the Green Book rules as guidelines for political, economic, and social. Began when the Arab Spring swept Tunisian and Egyptian people who successfully staged a coup against their leader, there arises a sense of longing for the same freedom. Then triggered by the arrest of human rights campaigner who conducted the country's security forces in February 2011 and the blocking of internet sites in the emergence of large demonstrations - demanding the release of their scale and the overthrow of Moammar Gaddafi in the Libyan leadership. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla De Laurentis ◽  
Peter J. G. Pearson

Abstract Background The paper explores how regional actors engage with energy systems, flows and infrastructures in order to meet particular goals and offers a fine-tuned analysis of how differences arise, highlighting the policy-relevant insights that emerge. Methods Using a novel framework, the research performs a comparative case study analysis of three regions in Italy and two of the devolved territories of the UK, Wales and Scotland, drawing on interviews and documentary analysis. Results The paper shows that acknowledging the socio-materialities of renewable energy allows a fine-tuned analysis of how institutions, governance and infrastructure can enable/constrain energy transitions and policy effectiveness at local and regional levels. The heuristic adopted highlights (i) the institutions that matter for renewable energy and their varied effects on regional renewable energy deployment; (ii) the range of agencies involved in strategically establishing, contesting and reproducing institutions, expectations, visions and infrastructure as renewable energy deployment unfolds at the regional level and (iii) the nature and extent of infrastructure requirements for and constraints on renewable energy delivery and how they affect the regional capacity to shape infrastructure networks and facilitate renewable energy deployment. The paper shows how the regions investigated developed their institutional and governance capacity and made use of targets, energy visions and spatial planning to promote renewable energy deployment. It shows that several mediating factors emerge from examining the interactions between regional physical resource endowments and energy infrastructure renewal and expansion. The analysis leads to policy-relevant insights into what makes for renewable energy deployment. Conclusion The paper contributes to research that demonstrates the role of institutional variations and governance as foundations for geographical differences in the adoption of renewable energy, and carries significant implications for policy thinking and implementation. It shows why and how policy-makers need to be more effective in balancing the range of goals/interests for renewable energy deployment with the peculiarities and specificities of the regional contexts and their infrastructures. The insights presented help to explain how energy choices and outcomes are shaped in particular places, how differences arise and operate in practice, and how they need to be taken into account in policy design, policy-making and implementation.


Author(s):  
Sergey Y. Chucha

The National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation, approved by Presidential Decree no. 400 of July 2, 2021, is the first strategic planning document in the history of modern Russia, which called the preservation of the people of Russia and the development of human potential a primary national interest and strategic national priority, and improving the quality of life and well-being of citizens is among the priorities. The scientific research of document that changed the paradigm of national security is just beginning. In the study, using a comparative historical methodology, an intersectoral analysis of the transformation of the labor-legal and social-protective component of the National Security Strategy is carried out, the timeliness of the changes is empirically proved on the basis of statistical data. In the course of the study, we develop a classification of tasks to ensure the implementation of state policy goals, depending on the degree of determination with the sphere of labor and social protection, creates the basis for intersectoral research on national security issues, improving current legislation and its application through the prism of constitutional guarantees in the social protection and labor law spheres. We substantiate the increasing role of social partnership, social solidarity, socially responsible business and the principle of respect for human labor as necessary conditions for the implementation of strategic plans to ensure national security for the preservation of the people of Russia and the development of human potential.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nayla Fawzi

A common feature among populist parties and movements is their negative perspective on the media’s role in society. This paper analyzes whether citizens with a populist worldview also hold negative attitudes toward the media. From a theoretical point of view, the paper shows that both the anti-elite, anti-outgroup and people centrism dimension of populism contradicts the normative expectations toward the media. For instance, the assumption of a homogeneous people and the exclusion of a societal outgroup is incompatible with a pluralistic media coverage. The results of a representative survey in Germany predominantly confirmed a relation between a populist worldview and negative media attitudes. However, the three populism dimensions influenced the evaluations not in a consistent way. A systematic relation could only be found for antielite populism, which is negatively associated with all analyzed media evaluations such as media trust or satisfaction with the media’s performance. This indicates that in a populist worldview, the media are perceived as part of a detached elite that neglects the citizens’ interests. However, the results confirm the assumption of a natural ally between populism and tabloid or commercial media. Individuals with people centrist and anti-outgroup attitudes have higher trust in these media outlets.


2003 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Slattery

The last few years have been an awakening time for the people, communities and governments of the global village. Escalating problems in the Middle East, global economic uncertainty and an increase in asylum seekers, refugees and migration worldwide have reignited tensions involving boundaries and borders, both geographical and cognitive. One event which highlighted these tensions in Australia, and which was given much media coverage, was the ‘children overboard’ event in October 2001. Utilising a selection of print news coverage of the event, this paper explores how the ‘children overboard’ event demarcated national identities and spaces through the construction and representation of ‘good’ Australian citizens and ‘bad’ asylum seeker ‘others’. Specifically referring to ‘children overboard’ as an ‘event’, I seek to highlight the constructed and representational nature of ‘children overboard’ as a media story and political tool, one which promoted a continuing threat of ‘others’ to the nation in order to gain support for government policy and legitimize national security, and in so doing creating a model of Australian citizenship and identity based upon fear.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Indra Hidayatullah

Zakat can be utilized for productive efforts in the context of handling the poor and improving the quality of the people. Along with Allah’s commands to Muslims to pay zakat, zakat is one of the pillars of Islam which is not only of a vertical dimension, but also horizontal aspect. Zakat is an important worship in anticipating social inequality in its implementation. It is still largely traditional and does not pay attention to the welfare of the people, in fact the development of muslims is the majority population of this nation and it has a huge potential to be used as a source of funds from zakat. The result of research shows that utilization of productive zakat in the National Amil Zakat Agency (BAZNAS) of Lumajang Regency is to make people stand alone so that they can improve their standard of living and so as not to always depend on zakat funds. Mustah}iq empowerment in the National Amil Zakat Agency (BAZNAS) Lumajang Regency is by running a productive zakat system for business capital assistance for the mustah}iq and consumptive zakat system. Utilization of productive zakat funds is one of the processes carried out by the Lumajang National Amil Zakat Board (BAZNAS) to make the mustah}iq be independent so that they can improve their standard of living and become muzakki> as has become the vision of the National Amil Zakat Agency (BAZNAS) Regency Lumajang. The form of zakat fund utilization towards mustah}iq empowerment at the National Amil Zakat Board (BAZNAS) of Lumajang Regency is divided into two empowerments, namely consumptive and productive empowerment. Consumptive empowerment is the provision of funds that can be directly consumed by mustah}iq. While productive is the provision of capital in increasing business. Both in the form of funds and gifts in the form of work tools. The most effective thing in empowering the mustah}iq is empowering by using productive zakat funds which have benefited a lot of mustah}iq. Empowerment of zakat funds in relation is to convey part of the assets owned to a group called eight asnaf, namely the poor, poor, ‘a>mil or administrators of zakat, muallaf, riqa>b (slaves), gha>rimi>n, fi> sabi>lilla>h and Ibn Sabi>l. Keywords: Implementation, Utilization, Productive zakat, Mustah}iq


Author(s):  
Ihor Oleksiiovych Polishchuk ◽  
Tetiana Mykolaivna Maksimishyna

The article is devoted to the topical problem of political and cultural transformations in the interaction between political power and its only source in democratic discourse, the people. This eternal problem of political science and policy is considered in chronological order in the global context and in today’s Ukraine. In traditional societies, there was a remote and alienated coexistence of state institutions and the masses. The exception was the democratic republics of ancient polises. The modern era generates a contractual theory of the origin of the state, which considers the institutions of power as the result of a social agreement between the sovereign people and the governors. In the modern era in the middle of the twentieth century, the concept of the welfare state was formed. In the postmodern era, unstable life forces citizens to behave in relation to state power, depending on the actualization of a particular guise of their own existence. Citizens are losing a clear, unambiguous idea of state power, its functions, place and role in society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Alex Costin

A half century before the New Jersey Supreme Court endorsed inclusionary zoning in Southern Burlington N.A.A.C.P. v. Mount Laurel Township, the state struggled to secure basic municipal zoning. While New Jersey’s political elite embraced zoning in the 1910s and 20s to weather a period of tremendous growth and change, a disapproving judiciary steadfastly maintained that the practice violated basic property rights. Hundreds of state court decisions in the 1920s held zoning ordinances unconstitutional. Finally, the people of New Jersey in 1927 overwhelmingly passed an amendment to the state constitution overruling those decisions and affirming zoning as a reasonable exercise of the state’s police power. This essay traces those uncertain early years of zoning in New Jersey. The amendment was not the result of a state monolithically coming to its senses. Instead, its passage documents a decade-long struggle played out not only in the courts and legislature but also in the press and the town meeting.


BISMA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 390
Author(s):  
Wahyuningsih Wahyuningsih

Abstract: Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are designed as the successor of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as the MDGs’ goals have not been achieved by the end of 2015. The SDGs is an action plan for the humankind, the planet, and the prosperity that also aims to strengthen universal peace in a broad freedom. It exists to overcome extreme poverty as the greatest global challenge. The SDGs concept is needed as a new development framework that accommodates all the changes occur after the 2015-MDGs, especially related to the world's changes since 2000 regarding the issue of deflation of natural resources, environmental degradation, crucial climate change, social protection, food and energy security, and a more pro-poor development. MDGs aimed only for the developing countries, while SDGs have a more universal goal. The SDGs is present to replace the MDGs with better goals to face the world future challenge. It has 17 goals and 169 targets that will stimulate actions for the next 15 years, focusing on the significant areas for the humanity and the planet, i.e., the people, planet, prosperity, peace, and partnership. Keywords:     MDGs, SDGs, Social Welfare, Development.


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