МЕМОРИАЛЬНЫЕ ВОЙНЫ В ОТРАЖЕНИИ ИНТЕРНЕТ-МЕМОВ

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Д. С. Артамонов ◽  
С. В. Тихонова

The article deals with the problems of reflecting memorial wars in Internet memes. The authors consider memorial wars to be a special type of information wars related to memory policy. The politics of memory causes a struggle of interpretations of various versions of the Past within the framework of discursive practices of myth-making and leads to memorial wars. Political actors introduce ideas about the Past into the mass consciousness. Images of the Past are not always clearly perceived by society, which leads to conflicts. These conflicts have a media nature and take place in the virtual space. Internet users involve memes to express their political or ideological positions and to reflect their experiences of the Past. The authors consider historical memes an effective form of participation of Internet users in the formation of political culture and historical memory. Historical Internet memes change the tone of information messages, the assessment of historical facts and their emotional color for the purposes of historical policy. Using the example of the memory of the Second World War, the authors show Internet memes as a tool of historical policy and a «weapon» of memorial wars. Political actors use the history of war as a symbolic resource. Various interpretations and falsifications of the historical events of Second World Warcome into conflict with each other. Images of Stalin and Hitler in memes represent the memory of the war. Internet memes clearly demonstrate the transformation of ideas about the Soviet leader and the Nazi leader in the media space. The case on historical memory of the Second World Warshows the possibilities of using memes in memory wars.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetiana Bevz

The article analyzes the role of regional political elites of Sumy region in the actualization of historical memory. It was noted that the politics of memory is a symbolic resource of regional political elites. It was shown that regional political elites, on the one hand, «can create a favorable ground for the growth of multiple identities», and on the other – «are able to stimulate the growth of polar and conflicting identities». Emphasis was placed on the fact that the historical past becomes the ideological present. It was shown that the basic factor for the regional political elite of Sumy region in the processes of actualization of historical memory was the symbolic representation of the past, first of all, the history of the region. It was determined that memory is designed not only to reflect the past, but also to form its meaning for the present. In today's world, there is a great public demand for the formation, restoration, preservation, transmission, reading and affirmation of historical memory. And in this context, the urgent need for the central government and the regional political elite was the need to actively shape a nationwide policy of historical memory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-237
Author(s):  
Denis S. Artamonov

The article is devoted to the study of the role of anecdotes, caricatures and Internet memes in the construction of historical memory. The memory of the past implies emotional content, the expression of which is often humor. The author views an anecdote as a component of oral history and a communication phenomenon of the pre-digital era, in which the representation of ideas about the past was humorous. A historical anecdote, being originally a kind of didactic historiography, has been transformed into a tool for transmitting an informal interpretation of history, and once in the digital media environment, it has lost its former meaning. Mass media, with the help of a caricature representing history in a humorous way, have visualized the images of the past, setting certain evaluative frameworks of historical and political events. Being an element of traditional media as well as a work of art, caricature encouraged the formation of historical memory along with other artistic genres. In the digital age, it, like a historical anecdote, has given way to Internet memes in the media sphere. The author considers Internet memes to be the phenomena of digital culture, defining them as a kind of a polymodal, metaphorical, often ironic, humorous utterance that is spread in the media environment. A historical Internet meme, combining the images of popular culture and collective memory in a visual text format, has a decisive influence on the perception of historical events and personalities by social media audiences. With the help of Internet memes a great number of Internet users create their own versions of the interpretation of history in a humorous form, thus reproducing the collectively shared mythologized ideas about the past.


2021 ◽  
pp. 088832542095080
Author(s):  
Nikolay Koposov

This article belongs to the special cluster “Here to Stay: The Politics of History in Eastern Europe”, guest-edited by Félix Krawatzek & George Soroka. The rise of historical memory, which began in the 1970s and 1980s, has made the past an increasingly important soft-power resource. At its initial stage, the rise of memory contributed to the decay of self-congratulatory national narratives and to the formation of a “cosmopolitan” memory centered on the Holocaust and other crimes against humanity and informed by the notion of state repentance for the wrongdoings of the past. Laws criminalizing the denial of these crimes, which were adopted in “old” continental democracies in the 1980s and 1990s, were a characteristic expression of this democratic culture of memory. However, with the rise of national populism and the formation of the authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes in Russia, Turkey, Hungary, and Poland in the 2000s and 2010s, the politics of memory has taken a significantly different turn. National populists are remarkably persistent in whitewashing their countries’ history and using it to promote nationalist mobilization. This process has manifested itself in the formation of new types of memory laws, which shift the blame for historical injustices to other countries (the 1998 Polish, the 2000 Czech, the 2010 Lithuanian, the June 2010 Hungarian, and the 2014 Latvian statutes) and, in some cases, openly protect the memory of the perpetrators of crimes against humanity (the 2005 Turkish, the 2014 Russian, the 2015 Ukrainian, the 2006 and the 2018 Polish enactments). The article examines Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian legislation regarding the past that demonstrates the current linkage between populism and memory.


Author(s):  
Marko Selaković ◽  
Anna Tarabasz ◽  
Monica Gallant

Internet and social media, as highly interactive platforms, enable two way-communication and content generation which was unprecedented in history. In the past, the media were decisive about content that should be presented, and what public impact it might have (Giessen, 2015). User-generated content provided an opportunity for single Internet users to reach large audiences in the same way as content originating from the traditional mass-media. Web 3.0 and Meta Web introduced a new myriad of available solutions and opportunities (Tarabasz, 2013). Smart technologies and integration networks of Web 4.0, with an ability to detect intentions and goals of the users and offer solutions based on users` preferences and habits (Benhaddi, 2017) are opening an entirely new dimension of the social media: digital identity becomes part of the identity of the Internet users. Keywords: Fake News; Crisis Communications; Online Communications; Management Research; Marketing Research


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-68
Author(s):  
Jardar Seim

A discussion of topics connected with “historical memory” and “politics of memory” presupposes that we consider how and why we are approaching the past. In this paper I shall point to some ways the past is being approached by individuals, social groups and political authorities – and some reasons for such approaches. But I shall also consider the opposite choice, that of not wanting to get closer to the past, preferring instead to keep a safe distance or even to ignore it, at least painful parts of it. Memories in different forms are important in our approaches to the past. The same is true for scientific history. The interplay between memory and historical science is complicated in itself. The existence of political guidance or explicit political provisions concerning the past makes it even more complicated to understand how our relations with the past are shaped and what their functions are in a given society. In my opinion, it is impossible to generalize about such problems. But comparisons may be fruitful, for instance presentations of wars in school textbooks from different countries, or how succeeding political regimes in one country try to charge the urban landscape with a new (or old) political meaning that legitimizes the present regime or demonize another one, by changing street names, erecting or destroying monuments etc. National anthems are another field that is suited for meaningful comparisons. And even communal or personal memories that are studied without a comparison or generalization in mind may provide ideas and perspectives for dealing with quite different memories under other political conditions. Finally, the role of the presumed scientific historian ought to be examined a little. Is he or she just a rational and neutral judge of the past – compared to ordinary people with undocumented and emotional memories, or to politicians with ideological motives for approaching the past?


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-84
Author(s):  
Susan Corbesero

AbstractDuring the troublous post-war and post-Soviet periods, the iconography of Stalin has served as a powerful interpreter of the past. Since World War II, portraits and attendant mass reproductions of the notorious Soviet leader have conveyed a historical memory that fused the triumphalist mythology of the Second World War and the cult of Stalin. Appropriated for political, national, nostalgic and commercial purposes, these iconic vehicles have functioned as integral “vectors of memory” in times of political change. In that vein, this article traces the remarkably dynamic and influential life of Aleksandr Laktionov's Portrait of I. V. Stalin (1949) in order to illuminate how its meaning and use, past and present, reflects and refracts the political landscape that deploys it.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3/2) ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
D. P. GAVRA ◽  
V. V. DEKALOV

In the paper, we consider the relationship between institutionalizedand non-institutionalized actors of media space within the framework  of communicative capitalism (J. Dean). We develop this  concept in the context of attention economy and new ways of digital  capitalization. Internet user's attention is attracted, enclosed in particular Web segments, and converted into money by these  segments’ owners and holders. So, new digital subjects  with  significant recourses and capabilities occur. Among them: traffic  monopolists, network elites, communicative capitalists. The  convergence of media- and networked spaces of social system  complicates relation configurations between subjects in both spaces.  Media relations are digitalized. Networked relations are mediated. On the area of these spaces’ intersection, different actors operate. They  are digital subjects, Internet users, media and journalists, media  audiences. Their communicative strategies and practices transform  and intertwine each other. In the paper, we highlight two situations. The first situation: when a journalist creates her or his  own network brand and tries to attract a new audience in her or his  Web segment. She or he faces with distrust and the desire of  Internet users to overturn the established symbolic hierarchies. The  second situation: when a digital actor tries to get rents from the  media space. She or he competes for the media audience and backs  up her or his independent status. Both situations give rise to a  number of opportunities and number of threats. Both digital actors  and journalists are influenced with algorithm biasing and post-truth  dissemination. The latter is aggravated with political actors’  participating and media and political subsystems converging.


Author(s):  
Maryana Adamovna Malish

The paper raises the problem of preserving the his-torical memory of the Caucasian War. The author examines the contribution of long-term republican target programs in the development of the region and the education of youth. It is said about the ap-pearance of traditions associated with monuments dedicated to the memory of this war in Adygea. The paper analyzes the attitude of state authorities and public organizations to the establishment of monu-ments of this type. A brief description of the monu-ments to the victims of the Caucasian War is given. It was revealed that the first initiator of their estab-lishment in the North Caucasus, in particular in Adygea, is the International Circassian Association. The role of the media in the study and dissemination of information about the monuments of the region is indicated. It is concluded that memorials testify-ing to the tragic events of the Caucasian War are symbols of historical memory and reflect the atti-tude of the people to the past.


Author(s):  
Даниил Аникин ◽  
Daniil Anikin

The article deals with the basic concepts of post-secular society and reveals the role of the past as a symbolic resource of the religious community legitimization. The specificity of post-secular society is the politicization of religion and the inclusion of religious interpretations of the past in the symbolic competition of political actors


Politeja ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (53) ◽  
pp. 359-374
Author(s):  
Anna Kadykało

Difficult Settlement with the Soviet Past (on the Example of the Description of the Katyn Massacre in Russian History Textbooks)The aim of the article is to show how in contemporary Russian history textbooks the Katyn Massacre (1940) is presented and compare its interpretation with different approaches to this tragedy that are actively discussed in scientific circles and among ordinary Russians. This approach should answer the question of the place occupied by this sensitive issue in Russian politics of memory and show how the process of forming historical memory related to the Katyn Massacre, based on historical education in schools, and public policy, looks like. Civic education in Russia is based on patriotic values and shapes the pride of power of the motherland. By emphasizing the importance of war victories, strong leaders, the formation of the students’ sense of belonging to the Russian nation and loyalty to the state takes place. The Katyn case continues to be a painful theme in Russian interpretation of the past, which explains why attempts are made to justify the crimes of the Stalinist regime. It is also not useful for patriotic education, as evidenced by the lack of mention of it in some history textbooks, or attempts to justify it partially.


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