scholarly journals WILL BLOGERS REPLACE JOURNALISTS? INSTITUTIONAL AND NON-INSTITUTIONAL ACTORS AT THE INTERSECTION OF MEDIA AND NETWORK SPACES

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3/2) ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
D. P. GAVRA ◽  
V. V. DEKALOV
Keyword(s):  
Media Audiences ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Communicative Strategies ◽  
Attention Economy ◽  
Media Space ◽  
The Media ◽  
Institutional Actors ◽  
Communicative Capitalism ◽  
The Relationship

In the paper, we consider the relationship between institutionalizedand non-institutionalized actors of media space within the framework  of communicative capitalism (J. Dean). We develop this  concept in the context of attention economy and new ways of digital  capitalization. Internet user's attention is attracted, enclosed in particular Web segments, and converted into money by these  segments’ owners and holders. So, new digital subjects  with  significant recourses and capabilities occur. Among them: traffic  monopolists, network elites, communicative capitalists. The  convergence of media- and networked spaces of social system  complicates relation configurations between subjects in both spaces.  Media relations are digitalized. Networked relations are mediated. On the area of these spaces’ intersection, different actors operate. They  are digital subjects, Internet users, media and journalists, media  audiences. Their communicative strategies and practices transform  and intertwine each other. In the paper, we highlight two situations. The first situation: when a journalist creates her or his  own network brand and tries to attract a new audience in her or his  Web segment. She or he faces with distrust and the desire of  Internet users to overturn the established symbolic hierarchies. The  second situation: when a digital actor tries to get rents from the  media space. She or he competes for the media audience and backs  up her or his independent status. Both situations give rise to a  number of opportunities and number of threats. Both digital actors  and journalists are influenced with algorithm biasing and post-truth  dissemination. The latter is aggravated with political actors’  participating and media and political subsystems converging.

Human Rights and the Mediatization of International Law

2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL JOYCE
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
New Media ◽  
International Law ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
International Regulation ◽  
The Media ◽  
Legal Forms ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Communicative Capitalism ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThis article considers the relationship of international law and the media through the prism of human rights. In the first section the international regulation of the media is examined and visions of good, bad, and new media emerge. In the second section, the enquiry is reversed and the article explores the ways in which the media is shaping international legal forms and processes in the field of human rights. This is termed the ‘mediatization of international law’. Yet despite hopes for new media and the Internet to transform international law, the theoretical work of Jodi Dean warns of the danger to democracy of commodification through the spread of ‘communicative capitalism’.

PSYCHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF PRESENTATION AND PERCEPTION OF MOTHERS IMAGES IN ADVERTISING

2019 ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
I. V. Klymenko ◽  
A. I. Lokhmachova
Keyword(s):  
Individual Characteristics ◽  
Target Audience ◽  
The Family ◽  
Media Space ◽  
Good Mother ◽  
The Media ◽  
Psychological Features ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Husband And Wife

The article is devoted to the generalization of information about the image of the “ideal” or “good” mother and its implementation in advertising practice. The authors analyzed the evolution of this image in the media space from the concept of traditionalism (woman who is realized exclusively in the family and motherhood) to the concept of neo-traditionalism (mother, who has time for everything, including the professional sphere and the sphere of self-fulfillment). There is an increase in value of egalitarian models (partnership distribution of roles and functions between husband and wife) and the presentation of realistic ideas about a “non-ideal” mother in foreign practice. However, this trend is much less common in the Ukrainian advertising space. The authors found the most common images of mothers in Ukrainian advertising: “Selfless”, “Caring”, “Balanced”, “Hedonic”, “Rebellious” and “Supervisory” and analyzed the peculiarities of their use, the intensity of presentation, the relationship with the advertised product. The authors found that conservative images of mothers (family oriented, selfless, caring, able to keep everything under control) are generally positively perceived by the target audience. Images that are distant from such traditionalist cliché (innovative, self-centered, hedonic) are rated worse. The authors demonstrated the relationship between mothers’ individual characteristics and their tendency to favor a particular character in advertising. Women, who are more experienced, self-sufficient, tend to rely on their own experience prefer less conservative advertising images (“Balanced”, and “Hedonic”). Less experienced women, who are guided by externalities experience, are focused exclusively on child, perceive positively traditionalist images “Selfless” and “Supervisory” mother.

scholarly journals HEGEMONI PEMANGKU KEBIJAKAN BUPATI JEMBER TERHADAP MEDIA MASSA LOKAL

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-87
Author(s):  
Nila Noer Karisna
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Editorial Policy ◽  
Selection Method ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Data Presentation ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Subject Selection ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship

The mass media which has developed rapidly provides the opportunities for all circles in using and taking the advantage of media for specific purposes, especially for political actors. For example in JTV Jember, one of the media in Jember Regency which reports a local political actor in Jember or the Regent of Jember, positive news that is displayed on JTV Jember has an effect on society. So that the news about the Regent which is negative will not be published because of the collaboration between the Regent of Jember and the media JTV Jember.This study is qualitative with Cresswell's descriptive type of research using purposive subject selection method. The data collection techniques through observation, interviews and documentation. In analyzing the data, the writer uses data reduction, data presentation, and verification.The results of this study reveal that the hegemony carried out by the Regent of Jember towards media JTV Jember is integral or total hegemony because it spontaneously agrees to the provisions of the MOU with the Regent. Further, media JTV Jember does not have freely in reporting the news about the Regent that contains of conflict. In addition, the editorial policy of JTV Jember after being analyzed through text which contains of news representations of JTV Jember becomes a representative in conveying the informations about the Regent of Jember, the relationship between JTV Jember news about the Regent of Jember is motivated by MOU. therefor, the identity of JTV Jember becomes a medium which is known by FaidaTV. 

scholarly journals Media Consumption of Cultural and Educational Content: Modern Realities

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 229-237
Author(s):  
E. A. Sayko ◽  
◽  
O. V. Shlykova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Leisure Activities ◽  
Media Culture ◽  
Educational Content ◽  
Internet Resources ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Media Space ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One

The article examines the dynamics of media culture in relation to modern trends in media and digital consumption of cultural and educational content in Russia. The emphasis is placed on the demand for books and reading in the everyday culture of Russians (including audio and electronic versions of books on Internet resources). Everything that is outside the media space practically does not exist for many Internet users — there is only what is “read”, mastered in a media format today. The literary preferences of our contemporaries during the pandemic are considered in the article in relation to popular forms of leisure, taking into account the influence of digitalization processes. Attention is drawn to the fact that, on the one hand, there are processes of activating the use of open resources, on the other — the production of a new type of content of cultural and leisure activities and social interaction. This is evidenced by the indicators of consumption of digital educational resources and services, online podcasts, broadcasts in the context of a pandemic.

Los medios de comunicación y la lucha contra la corrupción

2016 ◽  
pp. 163-198
Author(s):  
Francesc-Andreu MARTÍNEZ GALLEGO
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

LABURPENA: Lan hau komunikabideen eta ustelkeria politikoaren arteko harremanei buruzkoa da. Lanaren estrategia komunikabideek gobernatzaileen eta gobernatuen arteko harremanak hedatzeko bitarteko aktiboak bezala duten jarrera agertzea da, hau da, komunikabideek ustelkeriari buruz emandako informazioa izan ez dadin prentsaren jatorrietatik datorren ataza soila, hots, askatasun publikoen eta gobernu onaren watchdog or atari-txakur lana. Gauzak horrela, komunikabideak aktore politikoak dira, interes partikularrak dituzte eta egitateekiko elkarrekintza dute, eta egitate horiei garrantzia ematen diete (edo ez), interesen arabera. Ustelkeria politikoko eskandaluak kazetaritzako argitan, komunikabideen enpresen interesen arabera eta sistema politikoaren eta komunikabide sistemaren arteko harremanak kontuan izanda aztertu behar dira. Horrela soilik ahal izango diogu lana honen funtsari ekin, alegia: zer egin dezakete komunikabideek demokraziaren kalitatea handitzeko, hau da, ustelkeria politikoa bertatik erauzi edo, gutxienez, mugatzeko? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo es un estudio crítico sobre la relación existente entre medios de comunicación y corrupción política. La estrategia del mismo consiste en desvelar la posición de los medios de comunicación como mediatizadores activos de la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados, de manera que la información sobre corrupción producida por los medios no se vea como el mero cumplimiento de una tarea asignada desde sus orígenes ilustrados a la prensa, a saber, su labor de watchdog o perro guardián de las libertades públicas y del buen gobierno. Vistas así las cosas, los medios se configuran como actores políticos con intereses particulares que interaccionan con los hechos y a los que confieren (o no) la entidad de noticiables en grados diversos. Los escándalos de corrupción política deben estudiarse a la luz de las narrativas periodísticas, a la luz de los condicionamientos empresariales de los medios y a la luz de la configuración de las relaciones entre el sistema político y el sistema mediático. Sólo así podremos encarar la cuestión de fondo que se plantea al final de este trabajo y que pregunta qué pueden hacer los medios de comunicación para acrecentar la calidad de la democracia extirpando o al menos limitando en ella la corrupción política. ABSTRACT: This work is a critical analysis about the relationship between mass media and political corruption. Its strategy is to unveil the mass media position as an activ mediator in the relationship between governers and governeds so that information about corruption by the media cannot be seen as the simple fullfilment of an assigned task to the press since its Enlightment origins, i.e. their job of watchdog or guard dog for public liberties and good governance. As things stand, mass media are configured as political actors with particular interests that interact with facts to which the give (or not) a gradual entity of political newsworthiness. The scandals of political corruption should be studied in the light of journalistic narratives, corporate constraints of the mass media and the setting of relationships among the political and the media system. Only this way we will be able to face the underlying issue that arises at the end of this work and that questions what mass media can do in order to improve the quality of democracy by removing or at least constraining within the political corruption.

scholarly journals Political Communication of Power and Opposition in Bulgaria: A Modern Projection

2018 ◽  
pp. 159-171
Author(s):  
Vira Burdjak
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Media Space ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
Intellectual Potential ◽  
Ideological Identity ◽  
Further Development

Political communication between the authorities and the opposition within the multi-party system of the modern Republic of Bulgaria, in terms of social and functional values, supports the mobilization of intellectual potential, social energy and initiatives of both individual citizens and various social organizations, groups, while accelerating and deepening further development of society as a whole. The article presents the objective identification of political communication, specific features of public speeches and a double-natured projection of political speeches in the vertical perspective of “power - opposition”. While positioning Bulgaria by the criterion of the democracy degree in the communication between the authorities and the opposition, we should take into account the amplitude differences: the peculiarities of the transition of Bulgaria after 1989, political configuration (the influence of the two-party system), the specifics of the political confrontation of the communicative process, which reveals their intransigence and difference in the positions. The specific confrontation between the main political actors (SDS and BSP) has been developing by the very destructive axis of “democracy – communism”. The eight-year activity of the coalition government of SDS (20012009) has led to an extreme expansion. Its intensity has been somewhat leveled by the ideological identity, but still it couldn’t soften the communicative confrontation between the authorities and the opposition. The activities of the three governmental offices of the GERD Party and Prime Minister’s B. Borisov office since 2009 have clearly highlighted the new differences in communicative with the opposition, provoking systemic intransigence. The authorities’ resistance to the opposition sometimes borders on arrogance. This creates a closed circle in which the authorities and the opposition wait for each other’s actions to quickly react to the miscalculations of the enemy in the media space, to compromise in order to set the new rules.

The Party Colonisation of the Media

2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Péter Bajomi-Lázár
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
The Relationship

Media scholars looking into the relationship between political and media systems in the former communist countries have mainly worked on the assumption that parties seek control over the media in order to suppress critical voices and to gain favourable coverage so that they can influence voting behaviour, but have barely explored political actors’ other possible motivations. Meanwhile, political scientists studying the region’s countries have often focused on parties’ relationship to the state and the resources that they extracted from state institutions such as ministries and municipalities but largely ignored the relationship between parties and the media. This article, written as part of the project Media and Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, attempts to link these two traditions of research. Introducing the concept of the party colonisation of the media, it looks into what benefits other than suppressing criticism and gaining favourable coverage parties may gain from controlling the media. It uses the example of Hungary to illustrate how the party colonisation of the media works. It also intends to assess how different patterns of media colonisation affect media freedom.

scholarly journals Communicative technologies in the formation of political mediariality during conflicts

2021 ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
D. Likarchuk
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Information Space ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Media Space ◽  
The Media ◽  
Commercial Advertising

In the modern political world, information and technological principles are important, which form the media space – factors of manipulation, fake news, support for political actors. The media, in the XXI century, not only manipulate society and create confrontational moments, but also in their activities mix politics, commercial advertising, criminal aspects. The modern product of media culture is media reality, which forms new boundaries of the socio-cultural space of each state. Media reality is one of the elements of communication technologies that influence society, but also individual state institutions. Focusing on important political problems and issues in the modern world is reduced to public (mass) attention, coverage of incorrect (fake) information about the opponent – and so is the process of manipulation of citizens and the creation of conflicts in society. All this is accompanied by an imbalance of communication interaction and information noise, which leads to distortion of the information space of the state, new hybrid wars, information disputes, fake news. In Ukraine, there are difficulties in maintaining the media space in the international arena, because we have a number of open and latent conflicts. Accordingly, the media space – connections and interaction, as well as gaps and opposition between agents in the political arena. Ukraine should understand that it is necessary to develop and integrate into new communication technologies. This will give an opportunity not only to orient oneself politically and to understand the advantages and disadvantages of one or another political force, but also to form one’s own integral and effective state interest and values. The rapid process of information and communication technologies in all spheres of society has caused global transformations, opened new opportunities for the information space. A popular model of integrated political technologies in Europe is social management in a real communication network. For example, Estonia has a progressive model of e-government in Europe, which means that communication technologies and a minimized level of conflict factors function accordingly in the country.

Between Public and Private Media: Toward a Definition of “Community Media”

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauro Cerbino ◽  
Francesca Belotti
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
The State ◽  
Community Media ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Space ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
The Media ◽  
Definition Of

Constitutional reforms in Ecuador and Bolivia and the subsequent laws on communications have opened up the media space to new social and political actors: public and community media. While the former tend to be associated with the state in form and with governments in substance, the latter are not clearly defined and occupy a place in the midst of the hegemonic struggle between the public and private sectors to enable citizens to actively intervene in the competition for shaping public opinion. It is therefore necessary to lay the groundwork for a definition of “community media” that includes both its legal and sociopolitical dimensions. Indeed, operationalizing such a definition might allow community media to recognize themselves in it and to take the measures required to fully project themselves as subjects of the law. Las reformas constitucionales de Ecuador y Bolivia, y las siguientes leyes de comunicación, han abierto el espacio mediático a nuevos actores sociales y políticos: los medios públicos y los comunitarios. Si los primeros tienden a ser referibles al Estado en la forma y a los gobiernos en la sustancia, los segundos se quedan indefinidos e irrumpen en la lucha hegemónica entre los sectores público y privado, para que la ciudadanía intervenga de forma activa en la disputa por la generación de opinión pública. Por lo tanto, es necesario sentar las bases para una definición del concepto de “medio comunitario” que sepa mantener unidas las dimensiones de significado legales y socio-políticas. Traducir en términos operativos esta definición podría permitir a los medios comunitarios reconocerse en los rasgos observables del concepto y, por ende, tomar medidas para proyectarse plenamente como sujetos de derecho.

scholarly journals Media crisis and disinformation: the participation of digital newspapers in the dissemination of a denialist hoax

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorena Cano-Orón ◽  
Dafne Calvo ◽  
Germán Llorca-Abad ◽  
Rosanna Mestre-Pérez
Keyword(s):  
Digital Media ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Three Dimensional Model ◽  
Attention Economy ◽  
Media Ecosystem ◽  
The Media ◽  
Current Context ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Digital Newspapers

Disinformation is a communicative phenomenon that frequently feeds on political or electoral topics, as well as other aspects of our reality. This research takes as a case study the coverage given by the Spanish digital media to a hoax broadcast during the Filomena storm in 2021 that insisted that the snow was plastic. The purpose of this work is to analyze the instrumentalization of fake information as an expression of the information media crisis in the current context of disinformation. We set out four specific objectives: (SO1) to study the spread of the hoax through the media, (SO2) to analyze the construction of headlines in the news pieces, (SO3) to investigate the treatment of the hoax in the content of the pieces, and (SO4) to analyze the sources used in the pieces. To reflect on this phenomenon, we propose a three-dimensional model (structural, economic, and pragmatic) aimed at clarifying the relationship between the logic of the spread of hoaxes on the Internet and the role played by traditional media in their diffusion. The methodology used combines workflow techniques of digital methods with quantitative and content analyses. The results reveal the appropriation of certain communication strategies by digital newspapers aimed at obtaining visits. We conclude that the Spanish media, by adapting to the dynamics of disinformation irresponsibly encouraged by the attention economy, subscribe to and reinforce the crisis of credibility faced by the media ecosystem.

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