scholarly journals Polska w Układzie Warszawskim – realizacja zobowiązań

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-308
Author(s):  
Jerzy Kajetanowicz

The Warsaw Pact created in 1955 for almost 40 years played an important role in maintaining international security. Poland, due to its military and economic potential, was the second largest member of this alliance. For this reason, it sought to ensure a real impact on its functioning, which was reflected in its active participation in the implementation of the provisions of the agreement on the political, military and economic levels. Poland's political activity was expressed in numerous initiatives to ensure peace and in active participation in international cooperation. Military commitments were implemented through the preparation of modern operational troops, from which a strategic and operational union was created in the form of a Maritime Front, ready to act as part of the United Armed Forces of the Warsaw Pact throughout the period of membership in this alliance. In turn, economic cooperation was manifested in close cooperation in the production of various weapon systems and military equipment, as well as the development of defense infrastructure for both own needs and allies.

1982 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-336
Author(s):  
David L. Feldman

The existence of a relationship between foreign military assistance, domestic military spending, and the political activity of the armed forces in developing nations is a widely assumed yet little documented phenomenon. This article explores the association between these three variables in Argentina and offers a model which could be used for the analysis of their relationship in other nations.Prior studies have largely focused upon the correlation between the first two variables and the incidence of military takeovers (the classic golpe). The model presented here examines less discernible activities which have not been analyzed previously, although many observers have suggested that they may constitute significant measurements of the military's involvement in politics.


Author(s):  
John A. Alic

The three large military services—Army, Navy, and Air Force—comprise the core of the U.S. politico–military–industrial complex. They dominate decision making on multi-billion dollar weapon systems and the operational concepts these are intended to embody. The armed forces need private firms to realize their visions of new weaponry, since government has limited capacity in engineering design and development and limited production facilities. Running a successful defense business means giving the services what they want, or think they want, whether this makes technical and operational sense or not; thus industry caters to the views of the services, and while it seeks to influence them, does so mostly at the margins. The political dynamics of the complex take place in two primary domains, only loosely coupled. The first is largely contained within the Defense Department. This is the main arena for conflict and bargaining within and among the services and between the services, individually and collectively, and Pentagon civilians. Most of what happens here stays hidden from outsiders. Service leaders generally seek to resolve disagreements among themselves; the goal, often although not always achieved, is to present a united front to civilian officials and the public at large. The second domain extends to the rest of government, chiefly Congress, with its multiple committees and subcommittees, and the White House, home of the powerful Office of Management and Budget among other sources of policy leverage. The complex as a whole is an artifact of the Cold War, not greatly changed over the decades. Repeated efforts at restructuring and reform have led to little. The primary reason is that military leaders, senior officers who have reached the topmost ranks after lengthy immersion in generally conservative organizational cultures, usually have the upper hand in bureaucratic struggles. They believe the military’s views on choice of weapons—the views of seasoned professionals—should have precedence over those of civilians, whether Pentagon appointees and their staffs, elected officials, or outside experts. They usually prevail, since few of the political appointees on the civilian side of DoD and in policy-influencing positions elsewhere can command similar authority. If they do not prevail on a particular issue, service leaders expect to outwait their opponents; if they lose one battle over money or some cherished weapon system, they anticipate winning the next.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2 (176)) ◽  
pp. 325-350
Author(s):  
Andrzej Bonusiak

Treatise on the Political Activity of the Polish Minority in Ukraine (1988–2018). Selected Aspects. The article presents the political activity of Polish diaspora in independent Ukraine. It shows the forms of this activity and its results, referring to examples of selected representatives of the Polish minority. The text also highlights the attempt to create an independent political movement of Poles on the Dnieper, as well as the history of activities of the independent Polish political party on the Dnieper River. The analysis of the situation taking place in the discussed range of 1988–2018 allows us to conclude that representatives of the Polish minority had the opportunity to conduct political activity in Ukraine, regardless of whether they had their own political party or not. It seems that in the specific geopolitical situation in this country the Polish diaspora can effectively operate only in close cooperation with the organizations of the national majority. This in turn allows us to state that the actions aimed at building their own political power were wrong. Keywords: Polish minority, contemporary Ukraine, politics, activity Streszczenie Artykuł prezentuje działalność polityczną Polaków na terenie niepodległej Ukrainy. Pokazuje formy tej działalności i jej rezultaty, odwołując się do przykładów wybranych przedstawicieli mniejszości polskiej. W tekście pokazana jest również próba stworzenia samodzielnego ruchu politycznego Polaków nad Dnieprem, a także przybliżona została historia zabiegów o niezależne stronnictwo polityczne Polaków nad Dnieprem. Analiza sytuacji mającej miejsce w omawianym zakresie w latach 1988–2018 pozwala stwierdzić, że przedstawiciele mniejszości polskiej mieli możliwość prowadzenia działalności politycznej na Ukrainie niezależnie od tego, czy posiadali własną partię polityczną. Wydaje się, że w specyficznej sytuacji geopolitycznej istniejącej w tym kraju diaspora polska może skutecznie działać jedynie w ścisłym związku z organizacjami większościowych grup ludności, co pozwala stwierdzić, iż działania mające na celu budowę własnej siły politycznej były błędne.


Author(s):  
Ricardo Borges Gama Neto

The article tries to discuss if the impact of the political changes, which occurred in South America from the first decade of the century, influenced the purchase of military equipment by some countries of the region. The emergence of new governments, with a strong left leaning, occurred concurrently with a clear change in the classic pattern of buying defense equipment. European countries and the US have come to be preferred, as opposed to Russia and China, as suppliers of arms to the various South American armed forces.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-248
Author(s):  
Natalia Olszanecka

At the beginning of the 1990s the political and military global reality was radically transformed. It affected all spheres of socio-political life and was visible also in the armed forces. At the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, the Russian armed forces were still one of the most troubling military mechanisms in the world. In 2007 the Minister of Defense Anatoly Serdyukov decided to implement a broad military reform, which included (besides organizational issues and modernization of military equipment) also social issues. The aim of this article is to analyze the second stage of the armed forces reform in Russia (2010–2015) that entailed improvement of material status and livelihood of soldiers. The main research method used in this article was content analysis. A particularly important source was the study conducted by Irina Surkowa and articles published in Russian newspapers. The analysis showed that the reforms initiated by Serdyukov considerably improved the living conditions of the soldiers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Summer 2020) ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
Can Kasapoğlu

As the incumbent Turkish administration strives to pursue more aspiring goals in foreign affairs, Turkey’s military policy is fast developing in line with this vision. The nation’s defense technological and industrial base can now produce various conventional weaponry. Of these, without a doubt, Turkey’s drone warfare assets have garnered the utmost attention among the international strategic community. In tandem, the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) have gradually gained an expeditionary posture with forward deployments across a broad axis, ranging from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf and the Mediterranean. Meanwhile, the military’s doctrinal order of battle has been transforming to address the unfolding hybrid warfare challenges in Ankara’s hinterland. Turkey’s proxy warfare capabilities have also registered an uptrend in this respect. Nevertheless, Ankara will have to deal with certain limitations in key segments, particularly 5th generation aircraft and strategic weapon systems which, together, represent a severe intra-war deterrence gap in Turkey’s defense posture. The Turkish administration will have to address this specific shortfall given the problematic threat landscape at the nation’s Middle Eastern doorstep. This study covers two interrelated strategic topics regarding Turkey’s national military capacity in the 21st century: its defense technological and industrial base (DTIB) and its military policy, both currently characterized by a burgeoning assertiveness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1-2020) ◽  
pp. 71-84
Author(s):  
Margo Okazawa-Rey ◽  
Gwyn Kirk

Okazawa-Rey and Kirk argue that the term maximum security, used in the context of the prison system, is an oxymoron. Jails, prisons, and other ‘correctional’ facilities provide no real security for communities, guards and other prison officials, or inmates. Imprisoning two million people, building more prisons, identifying poor and working-class youth of colour as ‘gang members,’ and criminalizing poor Black and Latina women does not increase security. Rather, the idea of security must be redefined in sharp contrast to everyday notions of personal security that are based on the protection of material possessions by locks and physical force, as well as prevailing definitions of national and international security based on a militarization that includes the police, border patrols, and armed forces such as the Navy, Army, Marines, and Air Force. To achieve genuine security, we must address the major sources of insecurity: economic, social, and political inequalities among and within nations and communities. The continual objectification of ‘others’ is a central mechanism underlying systems of oppression—and insecurity—based on class, race, gender, nation, and other significant lines of difference.


Author(s):  
R. Zinko ◽  
P. Kazan ◽  
D. Khaustov ◽  
O. Bilyk

A small intelligence robot (SSR) is a special military intelligence means. It is used to obtain information about the enemy - the collection of intelligence, the search for targets and target indication, observation of the situation, etc. The use of a small intelligence robot is assumed in various natural and climatic conditions: in temperate terrain, on soils with low bearing capacity, at low temperatures, in the desert, on sandy and marshy soils, on rocky soils, in elevated temperature and dustiness of air, and also in conditions highlands In the article an overview of modern developments of remotely controlled robotic military complexes, principles of their construction and perspective directions of development in the armed forces are reviewed. The issues of robotization of existing weapons and military equipment are considered. Every sample of a SSR used in combat action must possess all combat characteristics at once in an optimal ratio between them, ensuring its maximum effectiveness. Ignoring any of the properties or enhancing one property at the expense of others will not enable the full realization of the small surveillance robot. It is reasonable to select the relevant properties at the design stage, using the possibilities of mathematical modeling. The set of tactical and technical characteristics of the SSR allowed forming this. Its characteristics determine the scope and possibilities of application. The mathematical model of the SSR motion is written in the Matlab Simulink environment. Recorded mathematical model of SSR motion, formed single test cycle and input data allowed to conduct computer simulation of motion in possible conditions of operation of small surveillance robot.The single trial cycle presented contains a set of individual sites and reproduces the testing test cycle of a real polygon. On the basis of the developed tactical and technical characteristics of the SSR, the experimental sample was made. An example of the use of SSR for the intelligence of the settlement and at keeping the node of barriers has been provided. The efficiency of performing intelligence units’ tasks and reducing the risk of human losses are shown.


1980 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Kocis

At the root of the conflict between Berlin and his critics is a fundamental disagreement over the possibility of certainty and over the relation of human ends to politics. Gerald MacCallum's formalist critique obscures the political question of whose values a free person is at liberty to pursue. Macpherson's attempt to defend positive liberty as not rationalistic is shown to fail because he (a) conflates liberty with its conditions and (b) assumes a rational pattern to human moral development. And Crick charges Berlin with ignoring politics, understood as active participation in the polis. Finally, Berlin's conception of politics as a form of human interaction aimed at creating the conditions of human dignity in a situation where we sincerely disagree over the ends of life is shown to be an effort to liberate us to live life for our own purposes. Yet Berlin's defense of liberty is problematic because it is too skeptical; to overcome this difficulty, a non-teleological yet developmentalist account of human nature and a weakly hierarchical account of human values is suggested.


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