Argentina, 1945-1971: Military Assistance, Military Spending, and the Political Activity of the Armed Forces

1982 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-336
Author(s):  
David L. Feldman

The existence of a relationship between foreign military assistance, domestic military spending, and the political activity of the armed forces in developing nations is a widely assumed yet little documented phenomenon. This article explores the association between these three variables in Argentina and offers a model which could be used for the analysis of their relationship in other nations.Prior studies have largely focused upon the correlation between the first two variables and the incidence of military takeovers (the classic golpe). The model presented here examines less discernible activities which have not been analyzed previously, although many observers have suggested that they may constitute significant measurements of the military's involvement in politics.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-308
Author(s):  
Jerzy Kajetanowicz

The Warsaw Pact created in 1955 for almost 40 years played an important role in maintaining international security. Poland, due to its military and economic potential, was the second largest member of this alliance. For this reason, it sought to ensure a real impact on its functioning, which was reflected in its active participation in the implementation of the provisions of the agreement on the political, military and economic levels. Poland's political activity was expressed in numerous initiatives to ensure peace and in active participation in international cooperation. Military commitments were implemented through the preparation of modern operational troops, from which a strategic and operational union was created in the form of a Maritime Front, ready to act as part of the United Armed Forces of the Warsaw Pact throughout the period of membership in this alliance. In turn, economic cooperation was manifested in close cooperation in the production of various weapon systems and military equipment, as well as the development of defense infrastructure for both own needs and allies.


1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Jacob

DURING the late 1950S and early 19605, Israel mounted an active campaign of aid to Africa, which took three main forms: technical help in agriculture, joint commercial ventures, and military assistance. Of the three, the military and quasi-military programmes made the most considerable mark in Africa;1 they were also an important part of Israel's overall foreign policy, in an attempt to gain political influence through military aid, and thus to help overcome her isolation in the Middle East. Israel's military assistance to Africa illustrates several important aspects of foreign aid. This article deals mainly with the political motives of the donor country, and the various ways in which it may be concerned to influence the actions of the recipient government. Later, there is some discussion of the social and cultural barriers to the transfer of military and para-military organisations from one culture to another.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


Author(s):  
S. Kazmiruk ◽  
I. Pampukha ◽  
N. Blyzniuk

The year 2021 was proclaimed the year of the Euro-Atlantic transformation at the Department of Defense of Ukraine. The result of such transformational processes in the DoD of Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine will be the creation of the integrated Euro-Atlantic type defense institution that will ensure their obligatory transformation, together with the other subjects of the security and defense sector of Ukraine to the new standards functioning and the command and control procedure. In particular, the introduction of legal regulation of the use of the polygraph. Military security is one of the fundamental requirements to implement the right of the people of Ukraine on self-identification, preserve Ukraine as a state and secure its sustainable development. The protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine is the utmost valuable function of the State. The fulfillment of this norm of the Constitution of Ukraine in terms of existential military threat to national security requires applying a number of measures and defensive actions that adhere to the principles and norms of international law. The main purpose of the Strategy of the military security of Ukraine is a preliminary prepared and comprehensively maintained all-encompassing defense of Ukraine based on the principles of deterrence, sustainability, and cooperation that ensures military security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the state by introducing innovative tools to detect hidden information. In the course of the Euro-Atlantic integration process, there is a critical moment to start carrying out specific, complex, and relevant tasks in the sphere of external political activity that facilitate the implementation of relevant directions in developing innovative systems aimed at identifying concealed and false information. Particularly, the linguistic support of events of defense and military cooperation in order to systematically implement the reforms of the security and defense sector that are directed to meet the international NATO-members' standards. It is also relevant to urgently implement the legal and ethical norms on the activity of the polygraph examiner's when performing a psychophysiological detection of deception using a polygraph.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
M. Kh. Abdullaev

The article is devoted to an actual interdisciplinary problem at the intersection of political science and religious studies – the discourse of the political in religion, the politicization of religion, the artificial transfer of purely spiritual values, phenomena and categories into the political field in order to use religion for political purposes. The author considers the problem from two angles: (1) the politicization of religion for mercenary purposes and (2) the clergy’s political activity based on a deliberately politicized religious teaching that has a strong political platform (ideology) at its core. This study is purely theoretical, and nevertheless the author undertakes a number of empirical digressions in order to demonstrate how the politicization of religion manifests itself in the socio-political sphere of human life. Thus, the main problem of the study should be designated as a theoretical understanding and disclosure of the practical significance (i.e., risks and effects) of the religion politicization’s negativity and how it could effect on religious groups. The article identifies the objective factors of the mutual influence of religion and politics, the presence of strong political origins in a number of creeds, and the rich historical experience of the political role of faith in society.


Author(s):  
E. A. Eliseeva ◽  
◽  
A. A. Nechkina ◽  
R. Yu. Zulуar ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes a protest activity as one of the areas of political activity of young people in modern Russian society. The purpose of the study is to explore the attitude towards the opposition and the oppositional potential of the youth of the Irkutsk region. The authors revealed that the portrait of an average young man in the Irkutsk region (in terms of his attitude to the opposition and protest potential) is as follows: he or she is a person who latently criticizes the authorities and expects changes, but whose political activity is below the average level.


Author(s):  
V. A. Nadein-Raevskiy

The article examines the process of formation of identity of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – a charismatic leader, an adept of “moderate Islamism” one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party. Historically strong centralized authority was always normal for Turkey and the need for Turks in the charismatic leaders is evident even at the present time. Erdogan is stubborn and consistent, thanking to religious education in his family and in religious Lyceum Imam Hatib. He was always religious and since his student years, joined Islamic politicians. In his student years he became the head of the Istanbul Youth organization of the Islamist National Salvation Party, in whose ranks and files he received good practice of a political organizer. The crisis in the ranks of the Islamists after repeated bans of the Islamist party led to a split in its ranks and Erdogan and his associates established the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Creating the AKP, Erdogan and his colleagues received a very important support from the well-known Muslim preacher, writer and philosopher Fethullah Gülen living in Pennsylvania (USA). The political support of Gülen who has millions of followers in Turkey and a well-organized educational system of the “Hizmet” Movement operating not only in Turkey but also in 140 countries helped the AKP to win the elections to the Turkish Parliament. Numerous graduates of private schools, colleges and universities of F. Gülen has occupied leading positions in business, police, juridical structures and the armed forces of Turkey and became supporters of Erdogan. Economic reforms of the AKP has substantially strengthened the Turkish economy, increased the income of the population and managed to cope successfully with inflation. On this ground Erdogan’s credibility consequently grew in the face of voters who saw him a successful leader and skilled politician. However, Erdogan gradually returned to the daily life of Turks the Islamic religion, which caused discontent among the supporters of secular development of the country. Repeated attempts to remove the AKP from power were not successful. Using strong support from F. Gülen’s structures in the judiciary, Erdogan managed to organize high-profile lawsuits against the army leadership, politicians, and journalists – supporters of secular development of the country. In a popular referendum, the army was excluded from influence on the political system of the country. However, constant criticism of the policies of Erdogan from the side of F. Gülen led to the crisis of union between the two leaders. Using the failed coup attempt Erdogan accused in its organization Fethullah Gülen and began a wide crackdown against his supporters. 


Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


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