scholarly journals Implications of Reforms for Erstwhile FATA: A Critical Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nasrullah ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad

The FATA reform process is not a one-time exercise that could be completed through certain legal and administrative action but is a multi-dimensional process with short, medium and longer-term dimensions. The government has set up an 11-member task force to speed up the implementation process and pay special attention to the proposed legal reforms, FATA’s development and the security mainstreaming of FATA. To oversee this process, a high-powered National Implementation Committee, set up in 2017, is tasked to regularly review the progress of the FATA reform on the basis of periodical reports of the Task Force. The proposed reforms packages, besides envisaging reforms at different spheres, also aims to bring bringing about brighter socio-economic prospects to the tribal areas. It could be said that the reforms are also pivoted around boosting the socio-economic status of the tribal people. This paper presents a critical analysis of the merger plan and also critically examines the implications of reforms for FATA.

Author(s):  
Shilpa Deo*

The Government of India has been taking various steps towards identification of the poor (and vulnerable through the Socio Economic Caste Census) and measurement of poverty with the help of various Expert Groups right from the Task Force that was set up in 1962 to the Task Force on Poverty Elimination of the NITI Aayog. There have been many researchers as well who have been suggesting the ways in which the poor and vulnerable can be identified and poverty can be measured besides the suggestions given by the Expert Groups. However, it may be considered as a ‘national shame’ if we are unable to identify the needy even after 75 years of independence. Through the review of around 100 books, research papers and articles, an attempt has been to understand the strengths and shortcomings of suggested ways to identify the poor and vulnerable and suggest a comprehensive methodology to identify the needy. Unless we are able to identify the poor and vulnerable sections of society correctly, planning and implementing poverty alleviation programmes for “ending poverty in all its forms everywhere”1 would be a futile exercise!


Author(s):  
Zannatul Ferdous ◽  
Muhammad Abu Yusuf

Economic Relations Division (ERD) formulated “Fund Allocation and Management policy for ProjectPreparation and Readiness” on 6 March 2017 to provide financial support for feasibility study andland acquisition at the project preparation stage of various Ministries/Divisions of the Government ofBangladesh. Despite such efforts, ERD did not get any response from relevant Ministries/Divisions toimplement the policy. The paper critically examines the causes behind the implementation failure ofthe policy. The study found that officials of the project implementing Ministries/Divisions were notwell informed about the policy in particular. Moreover, the Ministries/Divisions, which have severalinitial roles to play in order to bring implementation process on board, have hardly done anything toprove that the existing bureaucratic set up is reluctant to take proactive initiatives to implement newpolicies unless they are somehow forced by the external environment. Besides, there exists a similarkind of fund, allocated in favour of the Programming Divisions of the Ministry of Planning, whichallow the project implementing Ministries/Divisions to get financial allocation for a feasibility studyat the project preparation stage. This similar kind of fund may decrease the importance of the ERDformulated fund for project readiness. Similarly, absence of allocation in the right place is also one ofthe root causes for implementation failure. Considering the findings, among others, recommendationsinclude holding of workshops for further dissemination of the policy documents and the scope andresponsibilities of each Ministry/Division.


Res Publica ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-356
Author(s):  
Jef Maton

The Belgian steel industry falls apart into four groups. The Flemish industry consists mainly of a very modern steel plant Sidmar near the port of Ghent controlled by the industrial holding Arbed. The Walloon industry falls apart into three basins : Cockerill in Liège; the holy triangleof Charleroi, controlled by Frère-Bourgeois, Cobepa (Paribas) and Bruxelles-Lambert (this three holdings being associated in the Financière du Ruau) ; the independents.In the Walloon industry the successive processes of steel making are distributed over a great number of plants, most of the equipment is outdated, labour relations are bad and so is management.The finances required to renew this ancient industry are so large that the holdings cannot do so without the aid of the Belgian Government and the European Communities.Beginning of 1977, Davignon (CEE), proposes to freeze the production and market shares of the member countries, and to increase the European steel price by EEC tariff measures, in this way protecting the low productivity concerns ; not in the least the walloon concerns.  The European Communities promise financial help for restructuring.The implicit condition is comparative advantage of enterprises. In the Belgian context, this would mean that Sidmar would be extended and part of the Walloon industry closed down. The next move of the Brussels-Walloon concerns is, therefore, to corner Sidmar.During the course of 1977 and the first half of 1978 the Government negotiates with employers and unions a restructuring plan and general steel agreement, the «Plan Claes». The plan foresees in a lasting ceiling imposed on Sidmar; in a very large fiow of restructuring aid,mainly from public funds and the set-up of an intricate network of semi-governmental institutions.The Plan Claes is a purely political compromise. From the economic point of view, the plan wilt only speed up the definite emigration of traditional steel making processes towards the semi-industrialized countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Matt Barnes ◽  
Andy Ross

In the aftermath of the 2011 England riots, the then Prime Minister David Cameron referred to a ‘small number of families as the source of a large number of problems in society’ (Cameron, 2011). Soon after, the Troubled Families Programme was set up by the government to ‘turn around’ 120,000 troubled families. Despite government rhetoric focusing on ‘neighbours from hell’ (ibid.) the initial estimate of the number of troubled families did not include any indicators of problematic behaviours, such as crime or anti-social behaviour. Instead, a measure previously used by government to classify families with multiple social and economic disadvantages was used (Social Exclusion Task Force, 2007a). This article revisits the research behind the initial identification of the 120,000 troubled families and explores more widely the overlap between families with multiple social and economic disadvantage and their engagement in problematic behaviours. Our reanalysis of the original research data reveals that although families experiencing multiple social and economic disadvantage were at an increased risk of displaying problematic behaviour, only a small minority did so.


1998 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
R.V. Shahi

The new economic policy initiated by the government in 1991 which led to liberalisation, end of license system, private sector involvement in economic development and disinvestment of public sector has given rise to increased expectations for greater accountability and effective functioning of organisations. The degree of expectation varies, depending on the nature of organisation, whether public or private sector, but nevertheless the requirement is common to all. It is in this context that corporate governance and the role of Board of Directors in the governance of organisations is receiving increased attention. The National Task Force set up by the Confedration of Indian Industry (CII) evolved in 1998, the “Desirable Corporate Governnance Code” which lays down the basic guidelines on issues concerning board of directors, desirable disclosures, capital market issues, creditors rights and financial institutions and nominee directors. In the case of public sector undertakings a novel scheme called “Navaratna” was introduced whereby the boards of nine central public sector companies were restructured with lesser number of officials from government and more professionals from outside. Reduced ownership of the government through disinvestment by more than 50 per cent seems to be the only answer to provide the PSUs with the requisite autonomy.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabungan Sibarani ◽  
Nomensen Sinamo

One of the goals of the state is to educate the nation. Education is the right of every Indonesian citizen regardless of social status, economic status, ethnicity, ethnicity, religion, and gender. ‘Education for all’ ensures educational services are provided for students who have physical or mental barriers, economic and social barriers or geographical barriers. In the era of regional autonomy the strategic policies adopted by the Directorate General of Primary and Secondary Education related to education policy are: (1) management of school-based quality improvement; (2) education based on community participation (community-based education); (3) using learning paradigms or learning paradigms; (4) the Government also plans education based on Broad Base Education System (BBE). The policy implementation process can only begin if the goals and objectives that were originally general in nature have been detailed, action programs have been designed and a number of funds/ costs have been allocated to realize these goals and objectives. Keywords: implementation, educational policy, Indonesia


Social Change ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
Surajit Deb

In the second part of the Social Change Indicator series, we provide information from government survey data on the work opportunities for Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and non-SC-ST class in the rural India. 1 Our data refers to 18 states which covers more than 95 per cent of the SC or ST population in the country.  The generation of employment continues to remain one of the key political economic challenges in India despite the achievements of its high economic growth rates in the past two decades. The problem remains complicated due to the nature of the country’s labour market that is characterised by skill shortages, dominance of low-paid jobs in the informal and unorganised sectors and vulnerable employments. The government has recently set up a task force to address deficiencies in the existing data on employment and plans to outline a National Employment Policy (NEP) for the creation of quality jobs through economic, social and labour policy interventions. The NEP claims that it will also provide a much-needed focus on equal access to employment opportunities for marginalised sections like the SCs and STs by identifying skill shortages, training needs and available employment opportunities. Given social class differences in India, it is sometimes hypothesised that social exclusion and discrimination remain a common phenomenon in the labour market of different states in India.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aditi Gaur ◽  
Ms. Kah Ying Choo

India is ranked as the worst country in the world, in terms of number of people lacking access to safe water. This study examines  the socio-economic inequity of India through the lens of privileged Indian respondents’ perceptions of the water quality accessible to communities of different socio-economic status. To address this aim, a survey was conducted to measure the level of social awareness around this issue among privileged Indian respondents with regards to their ratings of the safety of the water in three different communities: their own, the underprivileged, and India as a whole.   Respondents rated their water quality to be the highest, followed by India as a whole, and then the underprivileged. The main reasons they offered for their ratings were: the government’s failure to set up an adequate infrastructure for piping water without polluting it and the inability of the underprivileged to afford water filters in India. Despite the gravity of the health problems that can ensue from the lack of access to safe water, the lack of accountability for the government, and apathy from the privileged residents, can be attributed to the deeply entrenched discrimination in India, which is founded upon its caste tradition and its pursuit  of the capitalist agenda in the ‘90s. Therefore, it is vital that the Indian government and people take responsibility for providing safe water to all by: increasing awareness amongst all communities;  provision of water filters for all, and the eventual changing of the piping system in the long term.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 628-631
Author(s):  
Devangi Agrawal ◽  
Namisha Khara ◽  
Bhushan Mundada ◽  
Nitin Bhola ◽  
Rajiv Borle

In the wake of the current outbreak of novel Covid-19, which is now declared as a 'pandemic' by the WHO, people around the globe have been dealing with a lot of difficulties. This virus had come into light in December 2019 and since then has only grown exponentially. Amongst the most affected are the ones who have been working extremely hard to eradicate it, which includes the hospitals, dental fraternity and the health-care workers. These people are financially burdened due to limited practise. In the case of dentistry, to avoid the spread of the virus, only emergency treatments are being approved, and the rest of the standard procedures have been put on hold. In some cases, as the number of covid cases is rising, many countries are even trying to eliminate the emergency dental procedures to divert the finances towards the treatment of covid suffering patients. What we need to realise is that this is probably not the last time that we are facing such a situation. Instead of going down, we should set up guidelines with appropriate precautionary measures together with the use of standardised PPEs. The government should also establish specific policies to support dental practices and other health-care providers. Together, we can fight this pandemic and come out stronger.


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