scholarly journals Kashmir at Crossroad: The Partition’s Unfinished Agenda

2017 ◽  
Vol II (II) ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Hikmat Afridi ◽  
Manzoor Khan Afridi ◽  
Ijaz Khalid

Independent dominions in shape of Pakistan and India emerged as result of partition on 14 August and 15 August 1947 respectively while the fate of over 500 princely states awaited decision. Due to overwhelming majority of Muslims, Jammu and Kashmir should have acceded to Pakistan. The hardness in Indian stance resulted in the two wars i.e. of 1965 and 1971 besides two limited wars of 1947-48 and 1999Kargil war. South Asia remained on the brink of war in 2002 standoff and the current escalations in Azad Kashmir. Contrarily, both Pakistan and India had agreed upon the United Nations resolutions, including, "the accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir will be decided through free and impartial plebiscite under the auspices of United Nations". The Indian strategy was to gain time on the pretext that "Indians are superior to Pakistanis in military and industrial power therefore Pakistan would accept a settlement imposed by the Indians". Additional India pleaded that Pakistan had joined defence Pacts with west, so India moved away from the process of Plebiscite. Now, India wants to discuss only terrorism brushing aside the core issue of Kashmir. Resultantly, the people of Kashmir are at the mercy of despotic and tyrant Indian Forces and they are suffering the most. How long the innocent population of Kashmir will be looking to ask the world to come forward for an open hearted settlement of this long outstanding dispute? The situation may escalate into a nuclear flashpoint.

Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ◽  
Mirjam Künkler ◽  
Tine Stein

Is and can religion be seen as a foundation of the modern state? In this article Böckenförde discusses the relationship between state and religion while reviewing Hegel’s main writings on this question. Reconstructing Hegel’s concept of the state, Böckenförde points out that for Hegel, the state is simultaneously universal and historical. It is more than the political system or government—it is the polity in general and the structured form in which the people exist. Moreover, the state is the materialization of the ethical idea as such and the manifestation of how ‘truth’ in history became reality. In Hegel’s view, ‘truth’ is ultimately God’s will in the world. Further, for Hegel, state and religion are two forms of the same substance: reason. Morality and reason are closely intertwined in Hegel. Religion is a source of morality for the people, and the state and the Church are the institutional manifestations of reason. Böckenförde shows that Hegel identifies individual conscience as the core of each person’s freedom; however, Hegel denies a right to an aberrant conscience, indicating a very limited notion of freedom. Finally, Böckenförde discusses Hegel’s philosophy in light of the state today with its separation of state and religion. Since today’s state does not consider religion as part of its foundation, in Hegel’s view it would ‘stand freely in the air’. Böckenförde concludes, contrary to Hegel, that only the democratic process and the people’s agreement on the things that cannot be voted upon can form the basis of the state.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (107) ◽  
pp. 95-115
Author(s):  
Bertel Nygaard

D. G. Monrad’s Political Manifesto from 1839:The first issue of Ditlev Gothard Monrad’s Flying Political Papers, published in Copenhagen in 1839, may be regarded as a manifesto of the early Danish liberal movement in its struggle to overcome the existing absolutist conglomerate state in favour of a constitutional national state, a result gradually achieved with the constitution of 1849 and the national centralization of the ensuing years. Influenced by Hegelian political philosophy, Monrad regarded his own times as marked by a great historical crisis and transition, evincing the political acknowledgment of the ‘people’ and its national unity as the outcome of a long-term dialectical development towards a synthesis of order and liberty, with existing absolutism representing a historically necessary, though now obsolete, stage. Further strengthening of the nation and the state now implied the political involvement of the ‘core of the people’, i.e. the educated middle class, whose culture allegedly rendered it capable of representing the interests of the people as a whole. Thus, Monrad’s liberalism was an ideological defence of the rule of a quite narrow social layer, a particular political reflection of an internationally conditioned transition to capitalist commodity production carried out in Denmark mainly via the state as an avenue between a dominantly agrarian production and the world market.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115
Author(s):  
Munawir Munawir

Non-Muslim leadership becomes a problematic issue in the context of inter-religious relations in Indonesia, especially for Muslims in conducting religious-social-political relations with non- Muslims. The problematic position of this non-Muslim leadership issue is the state constitution allows but the religious constitution (based on the textuality of the Qur'an) forbids. How does M. Quraish Shihab respond as well as answer the problematic of the people in the case? It is this core issue that will be tested by the answer through this research. Using the descriptive-inferential method and the philosophical-historical approach (philosophical and historical approach), the conclusion that M. Quraish Shihab in interpreting the verses (ban) of non-Muslim leadership (Surat al-Maidah: 51, QS Ali 'Imran: 28, and QS al-Mumtahanah: 1) is contextual, or in other words, the verses are understood to be sociological and not theological. Therefore he allows non-Muslim leadership as long as the non-Muslims are not of a hostile group of Islam, even he does not allow the leadership of a Muslim if a Muslim is actually injurious Islam and harms the interests of Muslims.


Author(s):  
Оlena Fedorіvna Caracasidi

The article deals with the fundamental, inherent in most of the countries of the world transformation of state power, its formation, functioning and division between the main branches as a result of the decentralization of such power, its subsidiarity. Attention is drawn to the specifics of state power, its func- tional features in the conditions of sovereignty of the states, their interconnec- tion. It is emphasized that the nature of the state power is connected with the nature of the political system of the state, with the form of government and many other aspects of a fundamental nature.It is analyzed that in the middle of national states the questions of legitima- cy, sovereignty of transparency of state power, its formation are acutely raised. Concerning the practical functioning of state power, a deeper study now needs a problem of separation of powers and the distribution of power. The use of this principle, which ensures the real subsidiarity of the authorities, the formation of more effective, responsible democratic relations between state power and civil society, is the first priority of the transformation of state power in the conditions of modern transformations of countries and societies. It is substantiated that the research of these problems will open up much wider opportunities for the provi- sion of state power not as a center authority, but also as a leading political structure but as a power of the people and the community. In the context of global democratization processes, such processes are crucial for a more humanistic and civilized arrangement of human life. It is noted that local self-government, as a specific form of public power, is also characterized by an expressive feature of a special subject of power (territorial community) as a set of large numbers of people; joint communal property; tax system, etc.


2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682098238
Author(s):  
Miloš Šumonja

The news is old – neoliberalism is dead for good, but this time, even Financial Times knows it. Obituaries claim that it had died from the coronavirus, as the state, not the markets, have had to save both the people and the economy. The argument of the article is that these academic and media interpretations of ‘emergency Keynesianism’ misidentify neoliberalism with its anti-statist rhetoric. For neoliberalism is, and has always been, about ‘the free market and the strong state’. In fact, rather than waning in the face of the coronavirus crisis, neoliberal states around the world are using the ongoing ‘war against the virus’ to strengthen their right-hand grip on the conditions of the working classes.


AJS Review ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-171
Author(s):  
Gidon Rothstein

Marc Shapiro puts an explicit contemporary context on this remarkable collection of sources that disagreed with one part or other of Maimonides' Thirteen Principles—the beliefs Maimonides asserted were absolutely necessary to be considered a believing Jew and to attain the World to Come. By showing the extent to which past authors disagreed with those Principles, Shapiro seeks to debunk assertions by contemporary writers that place those Principles at the core of Orthodox belief.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-375
Author(s):  
Andressa Kikuti Dancosky ◽  
Jacques Mick ◽  
Dairan Mathias Paul ◽  
Suelyn Cristina Carneiro da Luz ◽  
Alessandra Natasha Costa Ramos ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT – This paper presents the results of research on journalistic economic alternative arrangements to the major media corporations in the state of Santa Catarina, Brazil. It draws a profile of 20 arrangements identified through combined research techniques (snowball and questionnaire), characterizing them from three central axes: 1) “what is journalistic” in the journalistic arrangements (defining aspects of the type of journalism that is produced – or “markers”) and considerations about the world of work of the people in charge of these arrangements; 2) organization and production process (publication regimes, target audience, independence, and alternativeness); and 3) innovation and sustainability (if the arrangements consider themselves as entrepreneurial and innovative, what their legal status is and how they are financially sustained). The results point to three ideal types of journalistic arrangements, identified by their different bonds with the capital, their communities, or their political causes. Each ideal type corresponds to a distinct understanding of what journalism is and to distinct governance practices. Without constituting consolidated models, these types respond, each one in its way, to the structural changes that occur in the profession.RESUMO – Este artigo apresenta resultados de uma pesquisa sobre arranjos econômicos de jornalismo alternativos às grandes corporações de mídia no estado de Santa Catarina. Traça um perfil de 20 arranjos identificados por meio de técnicas combinadas de pesquisa (bola de neve e questionário), caracterizando-os a partir de três eixos centrais: 1) “o que há de jornalístico” nos arranjos jornalísticos (aspectos definidores do tipo de jornalismo produzido – ou “marcadores”) e considerações sobre o mundo do trabalho de seus e suas responsáveis; 2) organização e processo produtivo (regimes de publicação, públicos-alvo, relações de independência e alternatividade); e 3) inovação e sustentabilidade (se os arranjos consideram-se empreendedores e inovadores, quais seus status jurídicos e como se sustentam). Os resultados apontam para três tipos ideais de arranjos jornalísticos, identificados por suas diferentes conexões com o capital, as comunidades ou as causas políticas. Cada tipo ideal corresponde a um entendimento diferente do que é o jornalismo e a distintas práticas de governança. Esses tipos, sem constituírem ainda modelos consolidados, respondem, cada qual a seu modo, às mudanças estruturais do ofício.RESUMEN – Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación sobre proyectos económicos de periodismo alternativos a las principales corporaciones mediáticas en el estado de Santa Catarina, Brasil. Se dibuja un perfil de 20 proyectos identificados por técnicas de investigación articuladas (bola de nieve y cuestionario), caracterizándolos desde tres ejes centrales: 1) “qué hay de periodístico” en los proyectos periodísticos (aspectos definidores del tipo de periodismo producido – o “marcadores”) y consideraciones sobre el mundo laboral de sus responsables; 2) organización y proceso de producción (regímenes de publicación, públicos objetivo, relaciones de independencia y alternatividad); y 3) innovación y sostenibilidad (si los proyectos se consideran emprendedores e innovadores, cuál es su estatus legal y cómo se mantienen). Los resultados apuntan a tres tipos ideales de proyectos periodísticos, identificados por sus distintas conexiones con el capital, las comunidades o las causas políticas. Cada tipo ideal corresponde a una comprensión diferente de lo que es el periodismo y diferentes prácticas de gobernanza. Estos tipos, sin ser modelos aún consolidados, responden, cada uno a su manera, a los cambios estructurales de la profesión.


Author(s):  
Tim Davies ◽  
Stephen B. Walker ◽  
Mor Rubinstein ◽  
Fernando Luis Perini

Its been ten years since open data first broke onto the global stage. Over the past decade, thousands of programmes and projects around the world have worked to open data and use it to address a myriad of social and economic challenges. Meanwhile, issues related to data rights and privacy have moved to the centre of public and political discourse. As the open data movement enters a new phase in its evolution, shifting to target real-world problems and embed open data thinking into other existing or emerging communities of practice, big questions still remain. How will open data initiatives respond to new concerns about privacy, inclusion, and artificial intelligence? And what can we learn from the last decade in order to deliver impact where it is most needed? The State of Open Data brings together over 60 authors from around the world to address these questions and to take stock of the real progress made to date across sectors and around the world, uncovering the issues that will shape the future of open data in the years to come.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Destiny Eze Agwanwo ◽  
Ibrahim Bello

Governance, the world over, has become the main framework for assessing the effective utilization of human and material resources for the development of a nation or an organization. This paper explores the link between governance failure, violence and its implication for internal security in Rivers State. The level of violence in the state is high and increasing particularly since 1999 when the nation returned to civil rule. Violence such as inter and intra communal conflicts, cult violence, armed robbery, kidnapping, political violence among others, now writ large in the state. The study utilized the qualitative and content analysis. The paper reveals that the pervasive nature of violence with negative effect on the internal security is the fall out of the failure of the governance in the state. The paper recommends, among other things that, good governance is a tool for empowering the people, which in turn, will reduce unemployment, poverty, marginalization and the recourse to violent aggression in the state.


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