scholarly journals Local Election and Reinforcement Democracy in the Indonesian State System

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Anthon Raharusun

The direct election of Regional Head and Deputy Regional Head directly and democratically by the people is a political process of the Indonesian nation towards a more democratic, transparent, accountable and responsible political life and administration. Therefore, in order to ensure the implementation of election of Regional Heads and Regional Representatives at a time of quality and meet the degree of healthy competition, the requirements and procedures for election of Regional Head shall be stipulated in separate laws and regulations. In general it is said that the direct election of the regional head is more democratic. There are at least two reasons why the idea of direct election is considered necessary: First; to open the door for the appearance of the head of the region in accordance with the will of the majority of the people themselves. Second; to maintain government stability so as not to be easily dropped in the middle of the road. Practice during the regime of Law Number 22 Year 1999 regarding Regional Government, indicates that the election through DPRD mechanism is often opposed even not in accordance with the will of the majority of people in the region. In this connection, there are several reasons why the direct Election of Regional Head (Local Election) is important for the development of democracy in Indonesia are: First; direct regional head elections allow for the strengthening of democracy at the local level, in particular the development of political legitimacy. This is based on the assumption that the elected Head of Region has a strong mandate and legitimacy, because it has the support of the people's voice directly reflecting the configuration of political forces and the interests of the constituents of voters. This legitimacy is very important for the governing government. Second; Direct Regional Head Election is expected to be able to build and realize local accountability and strengthening of democratic values in Indonesian state administration system.

2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Nelson

A theory of democratic institutions should provide us with a coherent combination of definition and justification. It should explain how it defines democratic institutions and also how they will or should function; but it also should explain why democracy, so understood, is desirable. We are all familiar with stories about the fiscal excesses to which democracies are prone, stories about the ignorance of voters, and stories about the venality of legislators. Some of us may also be suspicious of concepts such as “consent” or “the will of the people” associated with traditional arguments for democracy. Against this background, the current interest in deliberative democracy seems promising. This conception of democracy does not rely, for example, on the idea of rational and knowledgeable voters satisfying preferences they have independent of the political process. Nor does it rely on any notion of an independent popular will. Instead, it offers a picture of the democratic process as one in which men and women engage in constructive discussion, seeking a principled resolution of their differences and developing, over time, a conception of the terms on which they will live with one another.


Author(s):  
Loura Hardjaloka

Frasa ” dipilih secara demokratis ” dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 selalu ditafsirkan bahwa pemilihan kepala daerah harus dilakukan secara langsung oleh rakyat. Untuk memahami tafsiran sesungguhnya, tulisan ini akan membahas mengenai tafsiran ketentuan tersebut terhadap mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah, disamping itu akan dibahas pula dinamika pemilihan kepala daerah (termasuk di daerah istimewa) di Indonesia dari masa ke masa, dan perbandingan sistem pemilihan kepala daerah di negara lainnya. Melalui penelitian yuridis normatif, diketahui bahwa secara konstitusional makna frasa tersebut dapat diartikan dalam bentuk pemilihan langsung dan pemilihan oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Terhadap mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah di Negara lain pada dasarnya juga pernah diterapkan di Indonesia. Akan tetapi, berdasarkan kisruh yang terjadi beberapa lalu terkait pemilihan kepala daerah di Indonesia melalui pemilihan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah memunculkan isyarat bahwa rakyat lebih puas dengan pemilihan langsung. Sebaliknya di daerah istimewa Yogyakarta, rakyat lebih puas untuk tetap menetapkan turunan Sultan yang menjadi pemimpin mereka. Dengan demikian, alangkah baiknya pemerintah memperhatikan aspirasi rakyat sebelum mengubah mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah untuk meminimalisir terjadinya kisruh.<p>The phrase ”shall be elected democratically” in Article 18 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution of Indonesia is always interpreted that regional leaders shall be elected directly by the people. According to that, this paper will discuss the provisions interpretation about election system for regional leaders, the dynamic system in the local election for regional leaders (including in special regions) in Indonesia, and comparison with other countries. Through normative juridical research, the constitutional meaning of the phrase can be interpreted both as direct election and election by the Local Council. The local election for regional leaders in other countries basically has been applied in Indonesia. However, based on the protest that occurred related to the election by the Local Council gave us a sign that people prefer direct election. Unlike in Yogyakarta, as a special region in Indonesia, the Yogya’s people prefer to be led by Sultan’s descendant. Thus, in the future, government should understand people’s will before changing the election system for regional leaders to minimize conflicts.</p>


Author(s):  
Sodikin Sodikin

Pemilihan kepala daerah merupakan salah satu proses politik yang dapat dikatakan proses yang sangat demokratis, sehingga pemilihan kepala daerah perlu terus diupayakan agar proses demokrasi itu menjadi bagian dalam sistem pemerintahan pada tingkat daerah. Pelaksanaan pemilihan kepala daerah setelah amandemen UUD 1945 dilakukan secara melalui pemilihan umum. Akan tetapi, pelaksanaannya menimbulkan permasalahan,terutama adalah konflik sosial secara horizontal di masyarakat dan juga kepala daerah yang dipilih tidak menghasilkan kepala daerah apa yang diidealkan dari pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung. Dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif normatif dapat disimpulkan Pemilihan kepala daerah yang sekarang dilaksanakan secara langsung dan akan terus dilaksanakan secara langsung dan serentak, tidaklah sesuai dengan apa yang dikehendaki dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) khususnya dan umumnya UUD NRI 1945. Penulis merekomendasikan agar pembentuk undang-undang (DPR dan Pemerintah) dalam membuat undang-undang untuk mengatur pemilihan kepala daerah disesuaikan dengan UUD NRI 1945, untuk menghindari kemungkinan diujimaterialkan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Hal ini termasuk undang-undang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah yang sekarang sudah diundangkan.<p>Local election for regional leaders is one of the political process that can be said to be a very democratic process, so that the local elections should be fostered so that it becomes part of the democratic process in the system of governance at the regional level. Implementation of local elections after the amendments of the 1945 Constitution is conducted through elections. However, its implementation has caused problems, particularly horizontally social conflict in the society and moreover the elected regional leaders are not what is idealized by the direct election of local leaders. By using descriptive- normative method, it can be concluded that the current implementation of local election for regional leaders which will be conducted directly and simultaneously, is not correspond with what the Article 18 paragraph (4) stipulates and generely with the 1945 Constitution. Therefore, legislators (House of Representatives and Government) in making laws- especially one that regulated the local elections for regional leaders, need to seek the conformity with the 1945 Constitution, to avoid the possibilty it being submitted to the Constitutional Court for judicial review. This includes the law on local election for regional leaders which has been enacted.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
M. Tauchid Noor ◽  
Kamarudin Kamarudin

The amendment of the 1945 Constitution sets that governors, regents, and local mayors are democratic in their election, originally selected by the legislative assembly and latterly sifted into direct election from the people. Based on the regulation No. 22 of 2007, it states that the election of local leader and co-leader is characterized as the part of general election regime, and thus it brings impact on local election, which should run directly as well. This article examines the arising problems on local election after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, which reveals various problematic factors in the implementation of direct election for local head has been officially established. Indonesia has run local election many times in different eras, including in Dutch colonialism, Japan colonialism, and post-independence era. In post-independence era, Indonesia also has various political climates and traditions and including Old Order, New Order, and reformation era. The alteration of this general election system aims to provide fair democracy for all people to vote for their local leaders. The implementation, however, encounters several factors and problems derived from the level of participation up to the readiness of local election committee.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia S. Sternberg

This paper addresses the relationship between political legitimacy arising from a link with the ‘will of the people’, and political legitimacy arising from beneficial consequences for them. Questioning the common assumption of an inherent trade-off between ‘input’ and ‘output legitimacy’, it suggests that the two necessarily go together, and that their relationship is continuously reconstructed through discursive contestation. These claims are first substantiated conceptually, in reference to the legitimacy literature in European Union (EU) Studies, which is situated in the broader fields of Political Theory and Comparative Politics. In a second step, the argument is developed on the grounds of empirical case material: an interpretive, non-quantitative reconstruction of the changing discourses on EU legitimacy by the European institutions from the 1950s to the early 2000s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 975-989
Author(s):  
Yurii V. Latysh ◽  

The article deals with the main trends and debatable issues in the Ukrainian historiography of Perestroika. The author establishes a connection between the prevailing ideas about the place of Soviet statehood in the history of Ukraine and the role of Perestroika in it. The totalitarian paradigm dominant in Ukrainian historiography is analyzed, according to which: 1) the reforms were unable to correct the Soviet communism whose collapse was imminent; 2) as a result of the collapse of the Soviet empire the peoples were given the opportunity to create national states and return to the “road of civilization” — to a market economy based on private property. The concepts of the system crisis of the Soviet model of socialism and the transformation of perestroika as a “revolution from above” into the national revolution during the Ukrainian national revival are considered. The article pays a particular attention to the coverage of the role of Ukraine in the disintegration of the USSR in the historiography since the position of the situational union of sovereign communists and nationalists at the time of the conclusion of the Belovezhsky agreements rested on the will of the people — the AllUkrainian referendum. Russia and Belarus did not conduct referendums on independence. It has been established that Ukrainian historians have concentrated on studying certain aspects of Perestroika, mainly related to Ukraine. They concern the Ukrainian national, linguistic, cultural and ecclesiastical revival, the activities of the national-democratic opposition. Many aspects of Perestroika (economic reforms, foreign policy, social history, the history of everyday life) in Ukraine are almost not researched at all.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
BINOV HANDITYA

<p>Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia mengakui dan menghormati satuan-satuan pemerintahan daerah yang bersifat khusus atau bersifat istimewa yang diatur dengan undang-undang. Negara juga menghormati kesatuan-kesatuan masyarakat hukum adat serta hak-hak tradisonalnya sepanjang masih hidup dan sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat dan prinsip Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, yang diatur dalam undang-undang. Dengan adanya hal tersebut di atas maka pelaksanaan pemilihan kepala daerah di daerah tersebut terpengaruh oleh kesatuan-kesatuan masyarakat hukum adat serta hak-hak tradisonalnya sepanjang masih hidup dan sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat. Dengan adanya Undang-undang Keistimewaan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta menggambarkan keadaan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta yang merupakan daerah khusus atau istimewa dan negara menghormati daerah yang mempunyai sifat khusus atau istimewa. Pengisian jabatan gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta sudah sesuai dengan asas demokrasi, karena hakikat demokrasi itu sendiri adalah kehendak rakyat itu sendiri.</p><p><em>The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia recognizes and respects special or special regional government units compiled by law. The State also respects the unity of indigenous and tribal peoples and the rights of traditionality together alive and in accordance with the development of society and the principle of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, as governed by law. Given the above matters, the work undertaken by customary law bodies and the rights of common traditions is still evolving and developing with the community. With the provisions of the Special Privileges Act of Yogyakarta Special Region, Special Region of Yogyakarta which is a special area and special areas that have special or special properties. Filling the post of governor and Deputy Governor of Yogyakarta Special Region has been in accordance with the principle of democracy, because the essence of democracy itself is the will of the people themselves.</em></p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Candra Jon Asmara

One area that implements direct Regional Head Election (Pilkada) in 2017, is Kampar Regency, Riau Province. The implementation of the Kampar Regency Direct Local Election has been running three times, namely in 2006, won by the pair Burhanudin Husein and Teguh Sahono; The 2011 regional election was won by Jefry Noer and Ibrahim Ali and the latest direct election was in 2017 which was won by elected regent Aziz Zainal and Catur Sugeng Santoso. This research study focused on analyzing political education in the implementation of Direct Regional Head Elections (PILKADA) in Kampar Regency in 2017 and knowing the Barriers found in realizing political education for the community at the time of Direct Election of Regional Heads (PILKADA) in Kampar District in 2017.This type of research is to use a type of qualitative research. According to Moleong (1999: 23) said that qualitative research methods basically use an inductive approach, ie data is collected, analyzed, abstracted and theories will emerge as qualitative discoveries. In this research, it is intended to explore in depth various data and information accurately and explain or explain in more depth the subject matter discussed in accordance with the research objectives.The results of the study indicate that the political education for the people in the Direct Local Election of Kampar Regency in 2017, which was carried out by the KPU of Kampar Regency, has been structured in accordance with the existing rules namely Election law and other rules, including the decision of the KPU of Kampar Regency. Political education that has been carried out so far is more structurally socialized, ranging from political education to the voters to community leaders and women. The obstacles faced in the implementation of the Kampar Regency Direct Local Election political education in 2017, namely geographical factors, limited budgets, community enthusiasm and limited personnel or human resources.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-94
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Wiratmaja

The practice of democracy is not the same as as its theory. People's sovereignty is often derailed by power-hungry political elites. Even though people in the Reform era are no longer expected to only play a limited role or merely as a giver or renew political legitimacy or as mere objects of political activity. It is worried because the practice of electoral democracy is felt further away from the spirit of democratic principles. There is still widespread behavior that justifies any means that is contrary to the values and principles of democracy, such as: politicization of SARA (suku, agama, ras, antargolongan) or politics of identity, criminalization of political opponents, dissemination of hoaxes, hate speeches, and intimidation, unneutral state apparatus, or election organizers, practices of money politics, sound auction and bribery, document forgery and manipulation of operating procedures. As a result, elected leaders often do not serve the people. All policies taken are often biased in the interests of the ruling elite or the interests of investors, and tend to be very minimal even without involving the people. In the future bad practices should not be continued and should be replaced by a shared commitment to establish substantial democracy by upholding law and justice. Stop the electoral democracy is only a lip-service of a five-year democratic party and must have a real contribution to the improvement of the nation. Electoral democracy must be an arena of healthy competition to get someone who is qualified and able to be a leader in an effort to realize common goals of just prosperity. If it fails to uphold a substantial democracy in everyday political life, then it does not only mean the castration of people's sovereignty or the failure of democracy alone, but the destruction of the Republic of Indonesia will be at stake.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-139
Author(s):  
Pierre-Olivier Monteil

This study undertakes a reading of Etienne de La Boétie’s Discours de la servitude volontaire, endeavoring to bring to light the way it convergences with and diverges from the political thought of Paul Ricœur, around the central concept of the will. On the basis of the twin notions of “denaturation” and of “pathology,” a course unfolds which aims at helping establish the people, in comparison with the institution of the State, through a political process revitalised by friendship. But the two thinkers differ when it comes to the resources of the will. This is reflected in the notion of freedom, conceived as absolute in La Boetie, while Ricœur emphasizes its contingency, which leads him to thematize it in terms of capabilities.


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