scholarly journals PENGAMANANOBJEK VITAL NASIONAL OLEH DIREKTORAT PENGAMANAN OBJEK VITAL POLDA KALIMANTAN SELATAN

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Army Fuad Helmy

This research aims to: (1) Assess and evaluate the pattern containedsystem in the Securing of National Vital Objectsby Vital Object Security Directorate of  Polda Kalimantan Selatan; and (2) Assess and evaluate the obstacles in the Securing of National Vital Objects by Vital Object Security Directorate of  Polda Kalimantan Selatan. It can be concluded that: 1. The system pattern contained in the Securing of National Vital Objects by Vital Object Security Directorate of  Polda Kalimantan Selatan not stated clearly and explicitly in the legislation pam obvitnas, but in the Presidential Decree No. 63 of 2004 on the Securing of National Vital Security Object there is described that pattern Sispamobvitnas, they are: (1) The main executor of the system Securing of National Vital Objek is obvitnas management authority, in this case the Police through Dirpamobvit; (2) Police are obliged to provide security assistance obvitnas; (3) priority preemptive and preventive activities; (4) in an integrated and simultaneous shared obvitnas managers implement security systems obvitnas;  and (5) and against obvitnas is an organic part of or including the military, the security environment remain to be implemented, although the security environment outside Obvitnas or process interruption handling defense and security. 2. The obstacles in the Securing of National Vital Objects by Vital Object Security Directorate of  Polda Kalimantan Selatan, they are: (1) Lack of quality personnel guard PT. Pertamina (Persero) BBM Terminal Banjarmasin due to lack of professional recruitment system; (2) Insufficient number of security officers compared to the vulnerability of the region; (3) Infrastructure security Obvit Of Polda Kalimantan Selatan are limited;(4) The lack of security coordination between Ditpamobvit Polda Kalimantan Selatan with regional security managers of the company, and the company's internal security guard at the Police Post.

Author(s):  
O. G. Paramonov

Nowadays military-technical cooperation is considered by many states as one of the effective tools for ensuring national security, as well as accomplishing a broader range of foreign policy objectives. Under a crisis of regional security environment, the Japanese government also concluded that further refusal to participate in international cooperation in the development and production of weapons begins to negatively affect its own defense capabilities. Nevertheless, Shinzo Abe-led Government’s plans to put an end to Japan’s self-isolation from external arms markets and thus strengthen relations with the United States in the military-and political fields are likely to lead to certain problems in Japan’s relations with such powerful regional actors as Russia and China.


Author(s):  
Ammar Hameed Yasein

The importance of our research is that it examines the causes and sources of the security challenges in the internal security environment of the GCC countries, and aims to address the most important issues that are of great interest, namely, the issue of inter-GCC differences and addressing the issues of regional security for the Gulf region, After it is one of the most dynamic and more polarized areas for the emergence of threats and challenges because of the multiplicity of sources of threat and their complexity due to the specificity of the strategic environment and the negative repercussions it can have on the Gulf region, especially the issue of regional security of the Gulf Cooperation Council Which has become a magnet for competing international and regional powers to preserve their interests and ensure the achievement of their objectives. This has further complicated the internal security environment in the Gulf, especially the recent events represented by a package of measures taken by Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain. As well as Egypt against Qatar, have begun to reveal to us the depth and root of differences, the size of internal challenges and the weakness of the ability of the GCC countries to meet their obligations in laying the foundations of a joint securitydefense system with the capacity to face these challenges collectively, Security challenges are therefore not only external regional or international, but internal with inter-GCC interface.


2000 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 916
Author(s):  
William Ruger ◽  
Michael C. Desch

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-153
Author(s):  
Muhammad Maigari Abdullahi ◽  
Usman Ahmad Karofi ◽  
Uthman Abdullahi Abdul-Quadir ◽  
Ibrahim Arafat

This article identifies different operational codenames adopted by the Nigerian military in special domestic operations from 1966-2019 and examined whether the operations were executed in line with the codenames. In Nigeria, the military has an established tradition of codenaming special operations, in both internal and foreign missions. Since 1966, the Nigerian military has been involved in internal security management and codenamed all the operations using both English and local language names. The aftermath of the first military coup d'état on 15th January 1966, was the beginning of military involvement in domestic security operations in addition to their constitutional responsibility of defending the territorial integrity of the country. The Effect Perspective (TEP) is adopted as the theoretical framework which gives proper nuance to the study. Methodologically, data were elicited through in-depth interviews. The findings explain why several military operations have failed to achieve the objectives of their codenames. It concludes that there is no correlation between the operational codenames and their outcomes of special military operations in Nigeria because the desired results of restoring peace have not been achieved within the specific time frame given when they were launched. The paper concludes that the majority of special military operations launched in Nigeria failed below expectations and unable to restore peace in their country in line with the operational codenames as a result of factors identified in the study.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 104-107
Author(s):  
Sławomir Bronisz ◽  
Elżbieta Miłosz

The article presents the results of research on the analysis of the possibilities of using the Moodle platform for the implementation of the education process at the engineering systems of internal security in the Lublin University of Technology. The research involved an analysis of the possibility of Moodle and computer simulation of the subject of Information Technologies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Rusakovich

In 2021, Russia and Belarus are planning to hold a record number of exercises. In particular, large-scale strategic maneuvers "West-2021" will be held on the territory of Belarus. The focus on the western borders is not accidental: according to the military ministers of the two countries, the situation there is not calm. At the level of the CSTO, NATO is active in Eastern Europe in building up the missile defense system and increasing the intensity of military exercises. According to Secretary General of the organization Stanislav Zasya, the confrontational course of the alliance creates dangerous preconditions for a new arms race and the alliance is forced "to take adequate measures. Andrei Rusakovich, professor of Belarussian State University, explained in an interview with Eurasia.Expert why Russia and Belarus are increasing military cooperation and how cooperation within the CSTO fits into these tasks.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Alekseevich Avatkov ◽  
Aleksandr Vladimirovich Kasianenko

The research subject is the peculiarities of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The author considers political-military relations in the region through the prism of national interests of regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, and Iran; analyzes military and technical cooperation in the South Caucasus based on the example of Armenia and Azerbaijan; studies military expenditure of the countries of the region and military budgets of Armenia and Azerbaijan, which are one of the hotbeds of tension and conflicts of interests of Russia, Turkey and Iran. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the systematization of ideas about the modern state of political-military relations in the South Caucasus in terms of the regional actors’ influence on the regional security system. Based on the documents, facts and research works, the author formulates a conclusion about the condition and the prospects of development of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The success of Turkey in terms of strengthening its positions in the South Caucasus against the background of rising competition in the region is undoubtable. Turkey has managed not only to position itself as a strong regional actor, which is able to indirectly influence regional disputes settlement, but also to promote the military triumph of Azerbaijan, its key ally in the region. It will result in further extension of export of Turkish weapons to Azerbaijan, and deeper cooperation between these two countries in other spheres. It concerns Russia and Iran, which are interested in maintaining the balance of powers in the region.  


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4I-II) ◽  
pp. 875-894
Author(s):  
Fiaz Hussain ◽  
Shahzad Hussain ◽  
Naila Erum

Recent increase in defense expenditure (Dexp hereinafter) in Pakistan due to increase in internal security and terrorism is an issue of concern to many Pakistani and other stakeholders in the Pakistan economy. Presently, internal security issues especially that of the increasingly violent homegrown terrorism is forcing increasing financial cost on government‘s expenditure towards defense sector. According to Budget documents, defense budget amounts to Rs 700. 2 billion for the 2014-15 fiscal year compared with Rs 627.2 billion allocated in the preceding fiscal year, showing an increase of Rs 73 billion. However, these figures do not include Rs 163.4 billion allocated for pensions of the military personnel.1 In addition to this, military would also be given Rs 165 billion under the contingent liability and Rs 85 billion under the Coalition Support Fund (CSF). This means that in reality Rs 1113 billion has been allocated for the military which is about 28.2 percent of the country‘s total budget [Sheikh and Yousaf (2014)]. This has led to diversion of the money needed for much-needed development projects, as the share of current expenditure in total budgetary outlay for 2014-15 is 80.5 percent.2 This diversion of funds has economic implication since some social sectors are likely to suffer in Pakistan


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