scholarly journals Dynamics of public support for Ukraine’s independence as a basis for adjusting the state humanitarian policy

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-111
Author(s):  
 I. M. Myshchak ◽  
 O. O. Lyashenko
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
The State

Метою статті є аналіз результатів всеукраїнського референдуму 1 грудня 1991 р., їх співставлення із соціологічним моделюванням питання всеукраїнського референдуму, виявлення динаміки й тенденцій суспільної підтримки незалежності населенням України. Наукова новизна. Проаналізовано й узагальнено останні соціологічні дані щодо суспільної підтримки незалежності України, з’ясовано тенденції та особливості зміни рівня підтримки українськими громадянами незалежності держави. З’ясовано, що в умовах гібридної війни протистояння російській пропаганді на символічному полі не втратило своєї актуальності. Одним із таких символів є всеукраїнський референдум 1 грудня 1991 р., адже саме його результати є основою національного державного консенсусу та чинником утвердження української нації. Висновки. Як свідчать результати соціологічних досліджень, проведених різними службами, підтримка населенням незалежності упродовж останніх 30 років залишається беззаперечною. Разом із тим спостерігалися періоди помітного її зниження у порівнянні з результатами волевиявлення українців під час всеукраїнського референдуму 1 грудня 1991 р. Особливу увагу приділено регіональним відмінностям динаміки суспільної підтримки незалежного статусу України. У цьому контексті виділяються Південний та Східний макрорегіони в цілому, а надто – Запорізька, Одеська, Донецька та Луганська області, в яких від’ємне відхилення від результатів голосування у 1991 р. є найбільшим. На динаміку суспільної підтримки незалежності упродовж 30 років після її проголошення справляли вплив різні чинники: соціально-економічні, політичні, соціокультурні. Зокрема, досить високим є відсоток українців, які вважають, що від проголошення незалежності вони більше втратили. Однак у процесі деталізації виявляється, що це стосується лише такої сторони життя, як гарантованість роботи та працевлаштування, тоді як відносно інших – наявності широкого асортименту товарів і послуг, власного соціального статусу, свободи вираження поглядів, можливості самореалізації, можливості впливати на дії влади – українці констатують кращу ситуацію у роки незалежності порівняно з останнім тридцятиліттям до її проголошення. Отримані в процесі дослідження дані можуть слугувати основою для коригування державної гуманітарної політики.

Assassination threatens to destabilise Haiti further

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The State ◽  
Gang Violence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Political Turmoil

Significance The assassination follows months of political turmoil and rising gang violence and comes just weeks before elections, scheduled for September 26. Interim Prime Minister Claude Joseph, who has taken charge of the country, said yesterday that measures were being taken “to guarantee the continuity of the state and to protect the nation". Impacts Further political assassinations would exacerbate unrest. The Dominican Republic has closed its border, fearing a migrant surge; the situation will bolster public support there for a border wall. The UN Security Council meets today and may authorise emergency action in Haiti; any substantial redeployment, however, would take time.

scholarly journals Conceptual Approaches to the Problem of national Security Concept

2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Ю. О. Загуменна
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
National Security ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The State ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
Goals And Objectives ◽  
Special Protection

A comprehensive theoretical and legal study of the transformation of ideas about the nature of national security reform in domestic jurisprudence has been carried out. The author has defined the priorities and directions of the reform in the field of national security and, more importantly, its theoretical and methodological basis. It has been determined that the main object of the reform in the field of national security is the whole complex of public relations, which is subject to special protection by the system of entities of ensuring national security. The system of such social relations is centered around the defining national interests, which usually include the vital interests of a man, society and the state and the implementation of which ensures the state sovereignty, its progressive development, and safe living conditions and welfare of citizens. It has been noted that the main purpose of national security reform is to improve legislation and governance in the national security sector, which can provide qualitative strengthening in accordance with current and future needs of society to protect key national interests from external and internal real and potential threats. It has been concluded that national security is not considered in modern, both domestic and international science, exclusively as an “acquisition” and a sphere of monopoly responsibility of the state; we cannot eliminate the active participation of civil society structures, which should exercise public control over the course of such a reform and, if necessary, should have the tools of close communication with state authorities at the stage of initiating the reform, constructing its goals and objectives, directions and perspectives and at the stages of its implementation. Restriction of the capacity of the state, especially in times of economic crisis, highlights the need to optimize the participation of non-government actors in ensuring national security. Obviously, such activity of the non-governmental sector should be strongly encouraged by legislative instruments, legitimizing measures for national security reform through its close involvement and providing them with additional public support.

Local Communities and ISDS

2021 ◽  
pp. 172-198
Author(s):  
Nicolás M. Perrone
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resource ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Investors ◽  
Investment Projects ◽  
Host State ◽  
Resource Sector ◽  
Pyrrhic Victory

Foreign investors and states frequently cooperate to facilitate investment projects in the natural resource sector. National elites tend to be involved in these cases, acting like partners to the foreign investors, because they often benefit economically and have an interest in the continuation of extractivism. Meanwhile, local communities are in a weak position, with limited or no public support and few legal options. They may still resist a project, sometimes forcing the state to cancel it, yet cancellation may only be a pyrrhic victory. Foreign investors can rely on investment treaties and ISDS to interpret and enforce the political signals and givings granted by the host state. The cases analysed in this chapter show how ISDS tribunals overlook investor misconduct and the context of extractivist projects while making local communities invisible.

Lebanon: A Military in Politics in a Divided Society

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
The Military

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.

scholarly journals Neglected, Protected, Ejected: Latin American Women Caught by Crimmigration

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Dingeman ◽  
Yekaterina Arzhayev ◽  
Cristy Ayala ◽  
Erika Bermudez ◽  
Lauren Padama ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Life History ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Legal Aid ◽  
American Women

The United States deported 24,870 women in 2013, mostly to Latin America. We examine life history interviews with Mexican and Central American women who were apprehended, detained, and experienced different outcomes. We find that norms of the “crimmigration era” override humanitarian concerns, such that the state treats migrants as criminals first and as persons with claims for relief second. Removal and relief decisions appear less dependent on eligibility than geography, access to legal aid, and public support. Women’s experiences parallel men’s but are often worsened by their gendered statuses. Far from passively accepting the violence of crimmigration, women resist through discourse and activism.

Mongolia mine move raises nationalisation fears

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Mining Company ◽  
Foreign Investors ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Main Obstacle ◽  
The Government

Subject The sale of the Erdenet mine. Significance The day before parliamentary elections in June last year, Prime Minister Saikhanbileg Chimed announced the sale of 49% of shares held by the Russian government in the Erdenet Mining Corporation and the Mongolrostsvetmet mining company to Mongolia Copper Corporation, an unknown private Mongolian company. Subsequent parliamentary inquiry concluded that the sale was unconstitutional and the government ordered the shares transferred to the state on February 16 this year. The government’s actions received wide public support while polls reveal that the electorate views corruption as the main obstacle to Mongolia’s development Impacts Talk of 'nationalisation' in the Western media threatens to derail Mongolia's efforts to fix its image and attract foreign investors. The unusual circumstances of the sale raise suspicions of corruption and collusion between Mongolia's previous government and largest bank. The new government's will to scrutinise sale demonstrates the strength of Mongolia’s democracy.

scholarly journals IMPACT OF INSTITUTIONAL SUPPORT FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF BULGARIAN ORGANIC PRODUCTION

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (Suppl.1) ◽  
pp. 329-333
Author(s):  
Roumen Otouzbirov ◽  
Adelina Petkova ◽  
Konstantin Stankov ◽  
Mitko Ignatov
Keyword(s):  
Organic Farming ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Institutional Support ◽  
International Markets ◽  
Organic Production ◽  
The State ◽  
Quality Food ◽  
Sustainable Environment ◽  
Organic Products ◽  
The Impact

Over the last decade Bulgarian organic farming has been growing at an increasing rate. Over the same period, the demand for quality food products on national and international markets also increased. Institutional support for the sector is important for the development of sustainable environment for the production and marketing of organic products. The goal of the present study is to analyze the impact of institutional support on the development of Bulgarian organic production. To achieve this goal, the following tasks need to be addressed: Assess the state of public support for the sector; to analyze the production and marketing of Bulgarian organic products.

scholarly journals Valstybinis politinių partijų finansavimas Lietuvoje

Teisė ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Elena Masnevaitė
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Growth Control ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Reliable Source ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Parliamentary Procedure

Pastaraisiais metais Lietuvoje vis labiau diskutuojama dėl politinėms partijoms skiriamų valstybės biu­džeto lėšų, jų didinimo, kontroliavimo ar... areštavimo. Politinės partijos yra tas subjektas, kuris atlieka mediaciją tarp valstybės ir visuomenės. Valstybė yra tuo suinteresuota, todėl skiria joms tam tikrą finan­sinę paramą, tarsi laikydamasi romėniškos maksimos do ut des. Korupcinių grėsmių požiūriu valstybės biudžeto lėšos yra patikimiausias politinių partijų finansavimo šaltinis, tačiau čia taip pat slypi pavojus, jog politinės partijos praras savo prigimtį ir taps kvazivalstybinėmis organizacijomis, atitrūkusiomis nuo visuomenės grupių ir jų „natūralaus“ suinteresuotumo finansiškai paremti joms priimtinas politines pro­gramas ir jų įgyvendintojus. Turint tai omenyje, šiame straipsnyje analizuojami Lietuvos politinių partijų finansavimo iš valstybės biu­džeto būdai ir formos. Remiantis kitų Europos valstybių patirtimi, atskleidžiami diskutuotini pasirinkto valstybinio politinių partijų finansavimo modelio aspektai, neproporcingos viešosios paramos proble­matika. Be to, pateikiamos rekomendacijos tobulinti reglamentavimą, kurio inicijuotos pataisos „įstrigo“ parlamentinėje procedūroje arba po priėmimo netapo reikiamai veiksmingomis. In Lithuania the funds from the state budget assigned to political parties, its growth, control and... arrest have become a topic of increasing debate over the last years. Political parties are the subject who performs mediation between the state and the society. The state is interested in the abovementioned function and therefore it assigns particular financial support to political parties as if conferred with the Roman maxim do ut des. At the standpoint of threats of corruption the state budget allocations are the most reliable source of funding for political parties, however, there is a risk that political parties will be deprived of their nature and turn into quasi governmental organisations that have lost touch with groups of the society and their „genuine” interest to support beneficial political programmes and their executers financially. While taking this into account the article deals with the ways and forms of financing the political parties from the state budget. Arguable issues of the model chosen by the state to fund political parties and the proble­matics of non proportionate public support are revealed in the article with reference to the experience of Eu­ropean states. Moreover, recommendations how to improve legal regulation whose initiated amendments „stuck“ in the parliamentary procedure or did not become due effective after their adoption are provided.

scholarly journals Wybory parlamentarne w Serbii w 2020 roku – szczyt dominacji politycznej Serbskiej Partii Postępowej?

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5(74)) ◽  
pp. 377-400
Author(s):  
Wiktor Hebda
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Global Problem ◽  
Clear Signal ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Progressive Party ◽  
Important State ◽  
Ruling Party

Serbia’s Parliamentary Elections in 2020: The Peak of Political Domination of the Serbian Progressive Party? The Serbian parliamentary elections in 2020 were not groundbreaking in political terms, but their results directly determine the immediate future of Serbs. Taking into account the current geopolitical situation in Serbia, it should be emphasized that the next four years may prove critical for the international position of this country. The elections on June 21 were special due to the circumstances in which they were held. Among them, the global problem should be mentioned – the coronavirus pandemic, which paralyzed the functioning of many countries, including Serbia. The second important factor relates to the largest anti-government protests since 2000, which began in late 2018 and lasted until the state of emergency declaration due to the threat of COVID-19. The results of the parliamentary elections in 2020 should be interpreted as the strengthening of the Serbian Progressive Party and its leader Aleksandar Vučić. Moreover, it is a clear signal that the opposition still do not have adequate public support to compete effectively with the ruling party. Nowadays, there are no political conditions for an alternation of power in Serbia. Following the impressive victory in the parliamentary elections, the Serbian Progressive Party may continue the process of increasing influence in the most important state organs.

scholarly journals Economic Legitimation in a New Era: Public Attitudes to State Ownership and Market Regulation in China

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Eaton ◽  
Reza Hasmath
Keyword(s):  
Growth Promotion ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Well Being ◽  
State Ownership ◽  
The State ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Market Regulation ◽  
Economic Roles ◽  
Original Survey

Abstract Autocrats typically seek public support on the basis of economic growth-promotion and redistribution policies, and China is no exception. As important as these factors are for authoritarian resilience, we argue that economic legitimation is a more complex phenomenon than has previously been acknowledged. Beyond improvements in material well-being, citizens form judgements about the state's effectiveness in carrying out a variety of economic roles beyond growth promotion and they also care about the fairness of these market interventions. In this study, we use original survey data collected in late 2015 and early 2016 to evaluate Chinese citizens’ perceptions of two economic roles of the state that have been hotly debated in recent years: state ownership and market regulation. We find that while citizens view the ideas of state ownership and interventionist regulation in a generally positive light, suggesting a broad level of agreement in Chinese society about what economic functions the state ought to perform, perceptions of how the state actually carries out these roles are more mixed. Our results show that the urban young are especially inclined to critical evaluations, raising the question of how the Chinese Communist Party's legitimation strategy will fare under conditions of inter-generational value change.

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