scholarly journals Phases and Dynamics of the Social Movement Process in Indonesia: A Case Study on LAPINDO Mudflow Disaster Victims against the Government

Author(s):  
Oman Sukmana

This study focused on mapping the phases and dynamics of the social movement process of Lapindo mudflow disaster victims in Indonesia. This study was analyzed by using a qualitative. The subject of the study was determined by purposive sampling in which all elements involved in the social movement of mudflow disaster victims. The data were collected by using in-depth interview, observation, FGD, and documentation. The stages of the analysis process involved data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusion. The results of the study indicated that the social movements were mapped into three phases: (1) the period of the emergence of the pre-social movement ideas; (2) the period of stabilization and consolidation of the social movements; and (3) the period of the social movement decline. Meanwhile, the dynamics of the social movements of Lapindo mudflow were based on three aspects: (1) political opportunity; (2) mobilizing structure, and (3) cultural framings.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurwan Nurwan ◽  
Ali Hadara ◽  
La Batia

ABSTRAK: Inti pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini meliputi latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, Faktor-faktor yang mendorong gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dan akibat gerakan sosial masyarakat Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba yaitu keadaan kampungnya yang hanya terdiri dari beberapa kepala keluarga tiap kampung dan jarak yang jauh masing-masing kampung membuat keadaan masyarakatnya sulit untuk berkomnikasi dan tiap kampung hanya terdiri dari lima sampai dengan tujuh kepala keluarga saja. Kampung ini letaknya paling timur pulau Muna terbentang dari ujung kota Raha sekarang sampai kampung Wakuru yang saat ini. Kondisi ini juga yang menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kampung ini kurang berkembang baik dibidang ekonomi, sosial politik, pendidikan maupun di bidang kebudayaan. Keadaan ini diperparah lagi dengan sifat dan karakter penduduknya yang masih sangat primitif. Faktor yang mendorong adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian antara keinginan pemerintah setempat dan masyarakat yang mendiami Kampung Labaluba pada waktu itu. Sedangkan proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna bermula ketika pemerintah seolah memaksakan kehendaknya kepada rakyat yang menyebabkan rakyat tidak setuju dengan kebijakan tersebut. Akibat yang ditimbulkan dari adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna terbagi dua yaitu akibat positif dan akibat negatif.Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Factor dan Dampaknya ABSTRACT: The main issues in this study include the background of the social movement of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, Factors that encourage social movements of Labaluba Kampung Sub-village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, the social movement process of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District Muna Regency and due to Labaluba community social movements Kontumere Village Kabawo District Muna Regency? The background of the Labaluba Kampung community social movement is that the condition of the village consists of only a few heads of households per village and the distance of each village makes it difficult for the community to communicate and each village only consists of five to seven households. This village is located east of the island of Muna stretching from the edge of the city of Raha now to the current village of Wakuru. This condition is also one of the factors causing the village to be less developed in the economic, social political, educational and cultural fields. This situation is made worse by the very primitive nature and character of the population. The factor that motivated the existence of the social movement of Labaluba Village in Kontumere Village, Kabawo Subdistrict, Muna Regency was the mismatch between the wishes of the local government and the people who inhabited Labaluba Village at that time. While the process of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency began when the government seemed to impose its will on the people, causing the people to disagree with the policy. The consequences arising from the existence of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are divided into two, namely positive and negative effects. Keywords: Social Movements, Factors and their Impacts


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Sahruddin Malik ◽  
Fakhri Kahar ◽  
Darman Manda

Accountability in providing public administration to the poor people in the Social Department of Makassar. This study was qualitative case study approach, while the instruments were the researchers themselves. This study showed that the accountability in providing public administration to the poor people had not run optimally. There were various approaches and alleviation programs for poverty that had not been able to change significantly. There was no continuous program during the official turnover. If the official was changed, then the policy would be changed, thus the programs were ineffective to minimize the poverty in Makassar. The policies and the supports were necessary from all the elements of construction and the involvement of entrepreneurs like stakeholders and community leaders. The government is necessary to take a role in uniting and bridging these issues. In addition, the strategic planning was necessary to involve society, not only as objects of development but also to be involved as the subject of development to alleviate the poverty in Makassar.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xu Wang ◽  
Yu Ye ◽  
Chris King-chi Chan

Few studies have examined the role of space in social movements. The existing studies have primarily emphasized the physical nature of space (e.g., space as distance) and overlooked other attributes of space, such as space as the materialization of power relations and space as lived experience. In this article, we explore the role of space in social movements based on a case study of the Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014. During the protest, the organizers occupied and reconfigured the campuses and mobilized the participants both through and in space. We find that the campus space helped stimulate the feelings and emotions of the students and increased their enthusiasm to participate in the demonstration. The participants were then sent from the campuses (mobilization spaces) to the demonstration spaces where they occupied and transformed the urban public spaces into private spaces, thus leading to contention over and of space with the state powers. Our findings reveal that the campus space is an important resource that organizers can use for mobilization. We also find that the special features of a campus, including aggregation, networks, isolation, and homogeneity, can facilitate the formation of social movements. We argue that the three attributes of space interact with one another in facilitating the social movement. Thus, our findings suggest that space acts as not only the vessel of struggle but also a useful tool and a target of struggle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Ujang Wardi ◽  
Elfia Elfia

This study explains how social movements are initiated by women's groups. The movement carried out penetrates various spaces in the social environment and even traditional institutions as groups that have authority. Through a descriptive approach and in-depth interview techniques, this study answers questions about how women's groups carry out social movements by constructing the issue of the non-transparent distribution of Covid-19 aid. Thus, the mobilizing structure, which is carried out systematically, attracts traditional institutions (ninik mamak) in the vortex of conflict. This study found that the sources of issues from social movements carried out by women's groups were (a) information from the deputy governor regarding the distribution of Covid-19 aid, (b) nepotism and collusion from the nagari government. Two framing issues (framing) are then packaged through social media to attract the power to carry out mass actions (demonstrations). This study concludes that the demonstration of women giving birth is a new policy related to the distribution of Covid-19 by the government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
A.S. Adeniran

Social movement and revolution are tools used to shape social changes. Social movement aims to advance a group’s agenda either by rectifying cultural drifts, social disorganizations and social injustice but revolution aims to unseat the government or to transform the entire political order. Based on archival evidence, this article examines the impact of social movement on the manifestations and modifications of specific socio-cultural policies of democratic governments in Nigeria. Though there are commonalities and differentials between social movements and revolutions, there is a strong linkage between the two concepts. Social movement is largely an event on a micro-level while revolution is on a macro-level. Social movement engages limited violence and often resorts to thoughtful persuasion, but revolution enlists unlimited violence that manifests in gritty coercion. However, recently in Nigeria, a number of online social movements have developed and they strive to give voice to the voiceless in the socio-political structure, as well as gaining recognition online and offline, so as to promote social development within the polity. Karl Marx upholds that conflict is inevitable in the social structure yet it can be concluded that most of the fundamental developments in human history, such as national independence, democracy, social justice, social inclusion and civil/human rights have been won on the platform of social movement. There are hierarchical or stratified social relations in the society which breeds social struggle within the class systems. Unequivocally, social movements are bound to arise wherever social conditions are unfavorable. Key words: socio-cultural, social movement, revolution, development


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-171
Author(s):  
Marta Čubajevaitė

Abstract New social movements in South Africa could play a prominent role in mobilizing the communities to reflect critically and address the repercussions of the neo-liberal agenda which manifests itself in perpetual exclusion of under-educated adults and provision of poor quality education. Few studies especially from the perspective of the activists leave a potential research area of a very interesting phenomenon of how people learn while struggling for social justice. Therefore this article based on a single multi-site case study on a social movement cohering around literacy issues in Gauteng, South Africa, aims at answering, what forms of learning and education the social movement encompassed, how did the group conscientization occur and what are the individual transformations. Semi-structured interviews and a focus group discussion were held with 13 learnersactivists and 2 adult educators. By applying Mezirow’s individual transformation and Freirean group conscientization models the analysis of primary and secondary data, revealed that the engagement in the social movement challenged and changed learnersactivists’ understanding of educational status within their respective communities. This in turn led to transformative action addressing the problems identified. On the individual level, some learners-activists became more tolerant and willing to cooperate with those of different political ideologies, able to tap into community resources. Finally, the potential of social movements as adult learning environments are outlined.


Author(s):  
Ubedilah Badrun

Social movements can be understood as a group of people organized in self-awareness that continuously challenges the existing system and values. This study aims to read the phenomenon of the 212 Movement (2016) in Jakarta, Indonesia using the perspective of the theory of social movements (1848-2013). This research used qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collected through observation, interviews and analysis of literatures and news media. This case study found the Movement 212 was able to mobilize millions of people including the category of the Social movement Based on Religiosity because militancy that mingled with voluntary attitudes that were seen in the behavior of the figures and the mass of the action. The religious basis is the main motive for the new social movement 212. The 295.8 km long march carried out by the Ciamis community led by K.H. Nonop Hanafi towards the Jakarta National Monument which later inspired the Bogor and Bekasi people to do the same is a fact of militancy and voluntary which is carried out with a high and sincere awareness on the basis of their religiosity. There are five main actors of this movement, K. H. Nonop Hanafi, Bachtiar Nasir, Muhammad Zaitun Rasmin, Muhammad Alkhathath, and Habieb Rizieq Shihab. This movement has a semi-moderate Islamic ideology with the Islamic model Ahlussunnah Waljama'ah. The implication of this research is the New social movement 212 can uphold Islamic values by upholding the law against what they call the Islamic oppressors. And the other side, the New social movement 212 can be strengthening ukhuwah Islamiyah (Islamic brotherhood), ukhuwah wathoniyah (nationalism), and demanding justice for all the people of Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Castro-Abril ◽  
Silvia Da Costa ◽  
Ginés Navarro-Carrillo ◽  
Angélica Caicedo-Moreno ◽  
Marcela Gracia-Leiva ◽  
...  

This paper analyzes the socio-cognitive and emotional processes related to collective action in the context of the 2019 populist social movement in Chile. It proposes an integrative explanation of populism as social movements and collective gatherings along with their relation with creativity and social representations of mass movements. A comprehensive online survey was used (n = 262) that included measures of participation in demonstrations, identification with protesters or the government, agreement with social movement grievances, collective efficacy, perceived emotional synchrony, collective action, self-reported cognitive creativity, and individuals’ proposals for improvement of society and ideas associated with stimuli (e.g., the concepts of majority or minority). Our results revealed that identification with demonstrators, agreement with protesters’ grievances, a high perceived emotional synchrony or collective effervescence, and higher creativity responses were associated with an active participation in the social movement. Higher participation and factors conducive to participation were associated with lexical clusters of responses to stimuli that include words such as rights, justice, injustice, bravery, dignity, or hope, which were conceived of as positive social representations of the populist social movement. These findings are discussed within the neo-Durkheimian framework of collective gatherings and the perspective of populism as a social movement that seeks to renew and expand democracy.


Author(s):  
Akta Dwi Putra ◽  
Norhuda Norhuda ◽  
Ryllian Chandra

The title of this research is "Tegal Binangun Community Social Movement Banyuasin Regency, South Sumatra Province". This movement is in order to maintain their administrative status from the demands of recognition of the Banyuasin District Government based on Law Number 23 of 1988 concerning Changes to the Regional Levels of the Palembang Second Level Region, Musi Banyuasin District Level II District and Ogan Komering Ilir Level II District. The purpose of this study was to determine the dynamics and patterns used by the community movement so that the demands and resistance of the Tegal Binangun community were realized by the Government of the Province of South Sumatra and Banyuasin District.               The method used in this research is a qualitative research method with a case study approach with stages, namely interviews, observation, and documentation. Meanwhile, the source of this research is primary data sources. Based on the results of the study it can be seen that, this movement carried out resistance against the Banyuasin District Government, ranging from peaceful actions to delivering letters to the DPRD of South Sumatra Province, the Governor of South Sumatra, the President, the DPR-RI, the Minister of Youth and Sports, the Minister of Home Affairs, and Mayor of Palembang.               The researcher uses the theory from Sidney Tarrow that is in line with this conflict that a group of people or ordinary citizens who join and form an alliance with figures or groups that have a large influence in a country, groups or the like move together to make a fight against the holders of power or the political elite if what is considered to be a policy is not in accordance with what is desired. Until now, when the Banyuasin District Government put pressure on the community, immediately the Tegal Binangun community took the fight. This conflict has not found a solution because it is still being resolved by the Government of South Sumatra Province. In this study it was found that the social movement of the Tegal Binangun community was formed to carry out resistance to the Banyuasin District Government's unilateral recognition of the Tegal Binangun area.


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