scholarly journals POWER AND THE CITY. CAIRO AN ARENA FOR PROFIT, CLASSES DISPUTE OR POLITICAL PROPAGANDA?

Author(s):  
Sadek Saad

The city can be seen as the end-product of human civilisation, imposing various meninges, it can be an arena for political, economic, sociocultural and classes disputes, imbedding authoritarian power, control and discipline. This study investigates the architectural and urban traces of authoritarian power, control, and classes disputes in Cairo from around the end of the 18th Century until the first two decades of the 21st Century. The study adopts a descriptive and synthesis research method and approach by relating significant authoritarian urban projects in Cairo to political, economic, and sociocultural forces in action. The traces of authoritarian power shifted from the celebrative authoritarian architecture level before 1800 to medium-scale urban monumental interventions after the second half of the 19th Century. After 1960 Cairo witnessed several shifts in authoritarian power representation, leading to massive urbanisation and new spectacular capital. Cairo presented various power players shifting nodes along with its urban governance network. The power shift was accompanied by authoritarian control, discipline, and political propaganda while adopting a colonial topdown autocratic urban process

Author(s):  
O.E. Fedorenko ◽  
К.V. Коlyadenko

An epidemic of any infectious disease is an invisible ruthless enemy that cannot be defeated by military, political, economic or ideological means. Humanity always reacts to such threats quite nervously and subconsciously tries to mythologize them, at least a little, in order to somehow psychologically protect itself from the real fear of imminent death. Since there is no rational defense against such a threat, people for the most part react in an irrational manner.The 19th century, almost the same as the previous centuries, «started» in epidemiological terms almost from the very beginning of its calendar. Only in contrast to the previous 18th century, the main and dominant danger was posed by another infectious pathology — cholera.In the history of medicine, over the 19th century, as many as six outbreaks of cholera epidemics were recorded since 1817. The first of them began in East Bengal and lasted 8 years (1817—1824), gradually, covering almost all India and big regions of the Middle East. It was worsened by the traditional travels of both Hindu and Muslim pilgrims to «holy places» who spread Vibrio cholerae on foot and through active communication with local residents.One of the significant reasons why cholera epidemic continued with minimal interruptions for almost the entire nineteenth century was an insufficient level of scientific knowledge in microbiology and the resulting ignorance of the causative agent of cholera — vibrio and its properties.Another factor was a complete lack of understanding by society of the need to observe at least the simplest sanitary standards in everyday life. And there was also misunderstanding among the leadership which tried to limit the next outbreak of cholera mainly by administrative measures without adequate explanations of their essence and necessity to the population.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>


Author(s):  
Kate Boehme

In India, as in much of the world, the 19th century witnessed the emergence of urban capitalist classes, effected by the rapid growth of global mercantile capitalism and, later, industrial manufacturing. As a colonial city, Bombay—like its eastern counterpart, Calcutta—developed two connected, but distinct business communities: one, a European community with foreign, imperial connections, and the other, an Indian community with roots in long-standing regional networks. In Bombay, the latter took the form of a class known as the “Merchant Princes,” who capitalized on long-standing commercial traditions in western India and their ability to command both Indian and colonial networks to establish themselves as commercial powerhouses. These commercial networks and patterns of behavior, established before the arrival of the British, had an indelible impact on the character of Indian business in colonial Bombay. The business community brought such traditions with them when they migrated to Bombay at the end of the 18th century and used them to build the famous mercantile firms of the early 19th century. The Indian business elite likewise built collaborative links within their own community to expand their business interests; when barriers erected by the colonial establishment sought to limit their expansion, Indian businessmen used the resources at their disposal (both in the Indian hinterland and within the city itself) to circumvent them. Class identity similarly began to emerge as they cooperatively campaigned for particular agendas, intended to improve the fortunes of the entire community. They fought for greater influence in the Bombay government—in line with the wealth they then commanded—and used their financial resources to mold the physical and intellectual landscape of the city in their favor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-293
Author(s):  
V. M. Rychka

Described in Primary Chronicle under 912 the story of the unusual circumstances of the death of Kyiv pagan prince Oleh the Prophetic is connected to Kyiv topographic realities, contemporary for chronist, in particular, to the toponym «Oleh Tomb», also known from other sources. According to this chronicle Oleh Tomb was placed on the hill Shchekovytsya but the exact localization of the latter is not provided. In the middle of the 19th century Kyiv people called Shchekovytsya the high hill rising over the Podil on the west side. In the works of the later Kyiv scholars this hill was unequivocally identified with Chronicle Shchekovytsya where they localized the grave of Oleh. This view was challenged by P. G. Lebedyntsev who suggested localizate the Oleh Tomb not on Shchekovytsya / Skavitsya but on the western slope of the Starokyivsky Plateau, on Kudryavka, opposite the Lybid’ River, near the Zhidovsky (Lviv) Gate of Medieval Kyiv. Basing on the analysis of Kyiv Chronicle information the scientist concluded that the toponym «Oleh Tomb» is separated from Shchekovytsya in the annals. The explanation of this contradiction in the chronicle was proposed by one of the best experts in the historical topography of Old Kyiv — M. I. Petrov. He suggested that under the name of Shchekovytsya one should consider not only the Podil hill but also all surrounding ravines and highlands. The Shchekovytsya ridge of mountains and hills stretched from the east to the southwest from the present Shchekovitsa hill to the edge of the present Lviv Square. The common for whole this territory name Shchekovytsya became gradually decay due to the large scale construction of the city in the 18th century and the appearance of proper names of new urban areas. The version of the death and burial of Oleh in Ladoga where one of the central and largest hills got the name «Oleh Tomb» is still popular in historiography, especially Russian. This mound was explored by archaeologists. The cremation burial was discovered under the barrow. It was dated to earlier (9th century) time than the date of Oleh death. Because of the impossibility of this «grave» to be burial place of the Prince of Kyiv, G. S. Lebedev has proposed to consider it the «Oleh Hill» — a «ritual seat» which had some public and religious functions. Despite the hypothetical nature of such interpretation the ghost of Oleh finds the visible features in Ladoga. At the end of the last century in Old Ladoga the stone was erected on that mound with a memorial plaque proclaiming this site of the 9th—10th centuries «The tomb of Prince Oleh the Prophetic». The story of the death of Kyiv pagan prince Oleh the Prophetic «due to horse» contained in the Primary Chronicle under 912 was compilled, apparently, on the base of some archaic mythological song or historical anecdote. It wins over not its factual authenticity but psychological one. However, there is no reason to doubt that Oleh died in Kyiv. The death of the prince, who was crowned with warrior glory, prompted his followers to muse about the choice of a place for the building of the great barrow over his grave. The slopes of the Lysa Gora (Yurkovytsia), where the pagan necropolis had already been laid near Oleh courtyard, probably seemed them to be cramped. This may have been the reason for choosing among the highlands, which rise above the Podil, the beautiful terrain of Kudryavka in the upper reaches of the Hlybochytsa river. The barrow built in the 10th century was probably quite large which explains the relatively long life of «Oleh Tomb» in the Kyiv toponimic.


Author(s):  
Lusine Sargsyan ◽  
◽  
Davit Ghazaryan ◽  
◽  

This study is dedicated to the Armenian manuscript and printed Amulet1 of the Armenian Diocese of Baghdad (DAOB). In this collection of early printings, there are two printed Amulets in scroll (Pr. n. 14, second half of the 19th century and Pr. n. 15, A.D. 1716). The third Amulet is a manuscript written in 1736 in the city of Erzrum (Karin) for a certain Ohan (Ms. n. 13). The scanned copies of these amulets are currently available through the website of Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (HMML).2 Since this paper is the first study of these amulets, it presents them in terms of codicology and bibliographical study and discusses their decoration. The study of some iconographic details will help to reveal the practice of using amulets and their meaning, considering them as a representation of Armenian “folklore-art”, since scribes and miniaturists were partly free to choose texts and decorate them, even they were mostly works of the priesthood.3 It should be noted that as artifacts of the same genre, having a purpose of protection of their owners using incantations and prayers, very often the content and decoration of these three Amulets have similarities. From this point of view, Ms. n. 13 (A.D. 1736) and Pr. n. 15 (A.D. 1716) are more relevant to each other both in content and, accordingly, in decoration. A selection of prayers and illustrations to them show almost the same structure, and for the printed Amulet, we can certainly argue that such structure was typical (but not limited) for the printed Amulets in the Armenian tradition from the 18th to 19th centuries. Despite some similarities with two previous Amulets, the Pr. n. 14 (19th century) represent another structure of content and its decoration. It is enriched with prayers and illustrations which does not exist in mentioned above two examples of the 18th century. E.g. engravings depicting the life of Christ (Annunciation, Birth of Jesus Christ, Baptism, Resurrection, etc.), or portraits of the evangelists, accompanied by the passages from their Gospels. Our research shows that the publishers of this Amulet had an eighteenth-century prototype and took an innovative approach using Western art engravings.


Author(s):  
Mordechai Zalkin

The Jewish community in Vilna began in the middle of the 16th century, when the Polish king, Zygmunt August, allowed the Jews to settle in the city and operate mainly in the commercial sphere. From this stage onward, the local Jewish community developed rapidly, the community synagogue was established and the Jews lived in the space allocated to them, and later became recognized as the Jewish quarter. From the middle of the 18th century Vilna became a community of unique importance in eastern European space, due to the development of a religious scholarly center, the most prominent of which was Rabbi Eliyahu Kremer, known as the Gaon of Vilna. Since the beginning of the 19th century, there has been a significant increase in the city’s Jewish population, which has spread to other neighborhoods in the city. At the same time, various circles among local Jews underwent a gradual process of cultural change, manifested in the absorption of the worldview of the Enlightenment. Several social circles operated in this spirit, among them poets, writers, and educators. The latter initiated the establishment of modern schools, and in the middle of the 19th century Vilna became the most important center of Jewish enlightenment in eastern Europe. In the second half of the century, Vilna became one of the main centers of the spread of nationalist and socialist ideologies, as well as one of the worldly most known center of Jewish books printing and publication. At the beginning of 1880, the first association of Hovevei Zion was organized in the city, and in 1897, the General Federation of Jewish Workers in Russia, Lithuania, and Poland, better known as the Bund, was also established in Vilna. During the First World War many of the Jews of Vilna left the city, and at the beginning of 1920 the city was annexed to Poland. In the period between the world wars, most of the local Jewish population suffered from considerable economic difficulties, and at the same time they experienced a significant cultural and educational flowering. The Institute for Jewish Research, known as YIVO, was established in Vilna in 1925. Likewise, during those years there was an impressive diversity in the local Jewish educational system, both for boys and girls, and especially for those with a Zionist orientation. Hundreds of Jewish students studied at the various faculties of the local university, despite manifestations of hostility and violence by militant groups of Polish students. With the outbreak of World War II, many refugees from Poland arrived in Vilna, and with the German invasion in the summer of 1941, all city Jews were concentrated in two ghettos. During the war, most of the Vilna’s Jews were murdered in Ponary, and other murder sites. After the war, a small Jewish community lives in the city.


Author(s):  
S.F. Tataurov

The research was carried out on the materials of 2009–2019 archeological-historical investigations in one of the first Russian cities in Siberia — Tara, founded in 1594. The aim was to study the process of tobacco distribu-tion in the region and the specific aspects of tobacco smoking in the 17th–19th centuries. The perception of this habit from the local administration and various groups of the population, such as servicemen, Old Believers and other social strata of the city, has been considered. The attitude to tobacco smoking changed over the studied period from the government ban to protection by the highest authorities. The perception within the society also varied, from semi-underground smoking and punishment for this habit to permission and encouragement. In total, during the excavation, 10 pipes for tobacco smoking and 2 mouthpieces were found. Pipes from archeological excavations of Siberian sites of the Sayany ostrog, as well as those from Moscow and Saint-Petersburg, were analyzed. Based on this analysis, the Tara pipes were divided into the following types: locally produced items of the 18th century, «Moscow» pipes of the 18th century, and porcelain pipes of the 19th century. By their design, they split into heads with small cups for finely cut tobacco and pipes with large cups for Russian coarsely cut tobacco. The collection of pipes obtained during archaeological research in the city of Tara overall fits into the general con-cept of the distribution of smoking in Siberia, proposed by A.V. Shapovalov. The mouthpieces are made of wood and bone and fit with dimensions of the pipe heads. Planigraphically, the findings of pipes and mouthpieces in the 17th century are associated to the interhouse spaces, and pipes of the 18th–19th centuries — to the location of drinking houses. This is related to the prohibition of smoking by local administrations before Peter the Great time, and then to the protests of Old Believers against smoking. The issue of the use of drugs during smoking, primarily hashish, a tradition that could come to Siberia from Central Asia, is still to be addressed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 059-082
Author(s):  
Mykola Bevz

The palace in Kukizów of King of Poland John III Sobieski is known only to a narrow group of architecture and art historians. The palace and park complex ceased to exist in the 19th century. The architecture of the palace is known especially from the descriptions in the inventory documents from the early 18th century. Although the authorship of the palace design belongs to the well-known artists of the era – Augustyn Wincenty Locci and Piotr Beber, its architecture has not yet been reconstructed. A specific feature of the royal residence in Kukizów was the construction of royal buildings and town buildings in a wooden material. The intention to create a city complex and an entirely wooden residence was a unique experiment in the field of European architecture and urban planning of the 17th century. In the paper we present the results of our research on the architecture of the palace and town for the end of the 17th century.


Author(s):  
Néhémie Strupler

When: Karum Period: First centuries of the 2nd millennium B.C. when Assyrian and Anatolian merchants took part in large-scale commercial exchanges between Aššur and central Anatolia. Most of the epigraphic finds come  from the 19th century BC, and the 18th century is less known. We don’t know how the commercial exchanges came to an end. Until the establishment of the administration at the Hittite capital Hattuša/Boğazköy (1650), there is a hiatus in the epigraphical records for more than a century. Who: Anitta, son of Pithana, an ambitious ruler who created one of the first Kingdom in Central Anatolian (modern Turkey) in the mid 18th century.Where: Boğazköy (modern name, in Central Anatolia) was a city called Ḫattuš and was an exchange place in the Anatolian Network of the Karum period. The site was selected as the capital of the Hittites around 1650 by Ḫattušili I, the first well attested Hittite King.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-268
Author(s):  
Rizal Nasser ◽  
Sulasman Sulasman ◽  
Mahbub Hefdzil Akbar

Pekojan village is one of the urban villages that has a historical role in the development of the Arab community in the city of Jakarta. Part of the Arabs living in the Pekojan village have developed rapidly, especially in trading, preaching, education and marriage. This activity has an impact on social relations between Arabs and the Indigenous population. With very close social relations activities, the Arabs were well received by the Indigenous population. However, most of the Arabs living in the Pekojan village moved to around Jakarta. The purpose of this research is to identify Arab communities spread across Indonesia and to know the development of Arab society in the form of social relations and activities in the Pekojan village, Jakarta. The method used in research is a qualitative method, namely by collecting data through literature and documentation. Data analysis techniques with heuristic methods, criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results of the study that in the 18th century the migration of Arabs had a considerable impact on the development of the Arab community in Indonesia, especially on the island of Java. In the 19th century the wijeknstelsel policy had an impact on Arabs who came from Hadarmaut to occupy Pekojan village as a village inhabited by Arabs, such as in Pekojan village, Jakarta. In the 20th century, the Pekojan village began to be very different, some Arabs moved to around Jakarta some still settled and also built social relations and activities with the Indigenous population.


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