scholarly journals Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 134-136
Author(s):  
Shiraz A. Sheikh

During the events that led to the “soft coup” of the Erbakan-Çiller coalitiongovernment in 1997, the Turkish military declared that the number onethreat to national security was not Kurdish separatism, but Islamic radicalism.Despite this shift in security strategy, the Justice and Developmentparty, which was born from the ashes of Erbakan’s openly Islamist Refahparty, won a decisive victory at the polls in November 2002. These seriesof events from Turkey’s recent history have raised many questions in theminds of observers, both international and domestic, as to the nature andstrength of Islamic political and social movements in the Republic ofTurkey – a state that since its birth in 1923 had undergone a systematic programof westernization and secularization.In his Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, M. Hakan Yavuz attempts toanswer these very questions by providing a comprehensive analysis of themain Muslim social groups that have come to dominate Turkish-Muslimsociety, namely, the Nakshibendi Sufi orders and the Nurcu movement.These groups have made significant inroads into Turkish civil society, crossingclass, regional, and ethnic lines, by taking advantage of new opportunityspaces in the market, the print media, and education. This was a directresult of the political and economic liberalization policies of the Özal governmentduring the 1980s.As the author argues, “the secularizing, state-centric elite failed effectivelyto penetrate and transform traditional society, and was similarlyunsuccessful in developing an alternative value system and associational lifefor the rural population of society” (p. 4). Thus, the social and ethical vacuumcreated by the Kemalists was appropriated by a diverse group of Islamicsocial movements that were then urbanized by way of the gecekondus, theshanty-towns built overnight by rural migrants to the big cities during the1960s and 1970s. These movements, which were silently germinating in theAnatolian countryside, underwent what Yavuz aptly terms the “vernacularization ...

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 129-134
Author(s):  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Ramil Rashitovich Kadyrov ◽  
Victoria Ravilꞌevna Sagitova ◽  
Luiza Kajumovna Karimova

The article reveals the main problems related to the Islamic factor in the political life of Uzbekistan. The crucial issue of gaining political identity is the attitude of States to human rights and the Islamic factor. Since the Republic was part of the USSR for a long time, an atheistic paradigm prevailed in political life. The Islamic factor is becoming a key factor in the problem of gaining cultural and national identity in Central Asia, as part of the national elite saw sovereign States under the flag of Islam and Sharia law. The authors note that the independence of States has set their leadership a serious task to preserve the main gains of the social state and the acquisition of religious identity in the lives of citizens of the country. The article shows the experience of harmonious coexistence of different faiths in a region where citizens retain their basic rights.


Author(s):  
Salvatore Caserta

This introductory chapter presents the main theoretical and methodological issues of the book. In terms of theory, the chapter explains that the book relies on the concept of de facto authority, according to which international courts become authoritative and powerful when their rulings are endorsed by relevant audiences in their practices. To complement this approach, the chapter explains that the book proposes five original analytical markers, which are central for analysing and explaining the social processes through which international courts, in general, and regional economic courts, in particular, gain or lose de facto authority. These are: (i) the nature of the political environment surrounding them; (ii) the timing of their institutional founding; (iii) the material and/or abstract interests of the agents interacting with them; (iv) the fundamental support of different social groups relating to them; and (v) the societal embeddedness in their operational context.


Author(s):  
Jason Oliver Chang

U.S. consular reports on Mexican anti-Chinese activities document the uncoordinated, synchronous anti-Chinese activities that took place as a part of the revolutionary battlefield. This chapter traces the social relations that gave rise to cooperative violence, or grotesque assemblies, in the context of the revolution. Events like the massacre at Torreón in 1911 illustrate the emergence of new social ties based upon Porfian discontent and doing harm to Chinese. Individual cases of tactical assassinations and ritual violence against the Chinese bodies further illuminate the absence of mestizo nationalism as motivation. The chapter details reports of ritualized violence that present a battlefield where Chinese immigrants are under constant attack. These modes of popular violence against Chinese shifted the political identity of assailants, no matter their allegiance or affiliation, to patriotic revolutionaries. Peasants and Indians did not threaten the bourgeois military leaders of the revolution when they expressed antichinismo.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Marcus Baccega

SOBERANIA E DEMOCRACIA EM TEMPOS MUNDIALIZADOS: ATUALIDADE DA FILOSOFIA POLÍTICA DE JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU E OS LIMITES DO CONTRATO SOCIAL Resumo: este artigo visa a problematizar os (des)caminhos dos conceitos políticos e das práticas sociais e jurídicas em torno da soberania política do Estado Nacional e da democracia nos tempos de mundialização do Capital. Portanto, revisita e percorre uma breve arqueologia conceitual da Soberania, desde Isidoro de Sevilha até a clássica definição de Jean Bodin nos Seis Livros sobre a República (1576). O propósito é problematizar a filosofia política de Rousseau para, então, perceber e discutir seus limites suas virtualidades, bem como a atualidade de sua noção de Contrato Social e o papel da Filosofia Política na Era do Capital Global. Palavras-chave: Rousseau. Soberania. Mundialização do Capital. Abstract: this paper casts doubt on the ways and shunts of political concepts and social and legal practices concerning political sovereignty of the Nation State and democracy at the time of Capital’s globalization. It revisits a brief conceptual archeology of Sovereignty, since Isidore of Seville to the classical definition by Jean Bodin in The Six Books on the Republic (1576). The purpose is casting doubt on the political philosophy of Rousseau, in order to discuss its limits and virtualities, and the topicality of his notion of social contract and the role of Political Philosophy at the Age of Global Capital. Keywords: Rousseau. Sovereignty. Globalization of Capital.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Murlis Murlis

The social welfare of the elderly is an action as an effort to fulfill the needs of the community, especially the elderly who are unable to carry out their social functions, namely by providing assistance and sponsorship services. Thus, it is hoped that the elderly can improve their welfare so that they can live properly. According to Government Regulation Number 43 of 2004, what is meant by efforts to improve the social welfare of the elderly is a series of activities carried out in a coordinated manner between the government and the community to empower the elderly so that the elderly can continue to carry out their social functions and play an active role naturally in the life of the community, nation and state. Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 13 of 1998 concerning the Welfare of the Elderly states that efforts to improve the social welfare of the elderly are carried out on the basis of faith and devotion to God Almighty. Efforts to improve social welfare are aimed at extending the life expectancy and productive period, creating independence and welfare, maintaining the cultural value system and kinship of the Indonesian nation, and getting closer to God Almighty.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-64
Author(s):  
Olga Barbasiewicz ◽  
Agnieszka Pawnik

When in the early 1940s a vast number of war refugees – mainly Jews, reached (via Japan) Shanghai, they got stuck in the city due to the eruptionof the Pacific War. While being mostly Polish citizens, they depended on the diplomatic care of the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in Tokyo, led by the Ambassador Tadeusz Romer and after its closure – the Polish Consulate in Shanghai, where the ambassador was moved. The diplomats became engaged in the organisation of refugee groups, livelihoods and visas necessary for their evacuation. The aim of this article is to characterise the political and social groups of Polish citizens, who benefited from the Polish consulate’s help and were therefore registered in the diplomatic records.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Titin Yuniartin

This paper discusses the political identity of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKS is one of the parties based on Islam but stands firmly in the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. PKS is born from movement, LDK-KAMMI-PK-PKS. The ideals of the Khilafah Islamiyah are always present in the ideals of the movement. Although in the auspices of plural and multicultural country, the PKS still exists to adjust with the Republic of Indonesia. PKS political identity for some may seem gray. This is understandable, especially if we look at it from the perspective of incomplete Islamic understanding. The concept of the caliphate of Islamiyah ala PKS is different from what is understood and developed in other activism. In essence, the Islamic caliphate that the PKS wants to uphold is international justice, international welfare, international harmony, and world prosperity. It starts from building prosperity, harmony, and national justice.


Sapere Aude ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 157-171
Author(s):  
Vital Francisco Celestino Alves

Na filosofia de Jean-Jacques Rousseau encontramos diversos elogios a modelos políticos oriundos da Antiguidade (Esparta e Roma), assim como outros elogios à República de Genebra. A esse último modelo, o pensador dedica a obra Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens. Entretanto, até que ponto se pode afirmar que a ordenação política genebrina influenciou e contribuiu para a formação do pensamento político de Rousseau? Tendo essa questão como eixo central e objetivando produzir uma reflexão sobre a Genebra de Rousseau, o presente artigo pretende: primeiro, descrever como era a ordem política genebrina; segundo, tratar da relação entre Rousseau e Genebra; e, por último, correlacionar a posição que ocupa a cidade natal do autor com os seus escritos políticos apresentados na Dedicatória e no Contrato social e examinar a consistência das três principais linhas interpretativas que relacionam Genebra à filosofia política de Rousseau.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Rousseau. República de Genebra. Relação.ABSTRACTIn the philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau we find several compliments to political models coming from Antiquity (Sparta and Rome), as well as other compliments to the Republic of Geneva. To this last model, the thinker dedicates the work Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men. However, to what extent can one affirm that the political order of Geneva influenced and contributed to the formation of Rousseau's political thought? With this question as the central axis and aiming to produce a reflection on Rousseau's Geneva, the present article aims to: first, describe the Genevan political, second, deal with Rousseau's relationship with Geneva, and, finally, correlate the position the author's hometown occupies with his political writings presented in the Dedication and the Social Contract and examine the consistency of the three main interpretive lines relating Geneva to Rousseau's political philosophy.KEYWORDS: Rousseau. Republic of Geneva. Relationship.


AmeriQuests ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Lynn De Silva

In Australia, practices of preemptive deterrence construct the political identity of asylum seekers as the ‘illegal other’, and as a threat to national security and to national identity. At the core of the state's illegality regimes lies the endorsement of exclusionary norms through the grammar of security. Who is responsible for the endorsement of these norms and how do they (re)produce illegality regimes? How are securitization moves legitimized and sustained through illegality regimes? How may they be resisted? A case study of Sweden illustrates how the securitization discourses mobilizing illegality regimes may be resisted through norm circles in the political sphere that endorse norms of egalitarianism, justice and equality. This paper focuses on the ‘critical realism’ associated with the works of Dave Elder-Vass and Roy Bhaskar. Elder-Vass draws on the philosophy of Roy Bhaskar to examine the ontology of language, discourse, culture and knowledge and their contribute to the construction of social reality, thus synthesizing aspects of realism and constructionism. Roy Bhaskar’s philosophy of the social sciences has aimed to crystallize a transcendental realist framework incorporating a form of critical naturalism and also critical hermeneutics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (88) ◽  

The second half of the 20th century witnessed many political and social upheavals in the Republic of Turkey as well as in the rest of the world. The political turmoil and chaos that occurred after 1970, which we determined as the limit of our study, and the social values that started to change with the introduction of technology in the institutional field after 1980 and in the individual life after 1990 caused the Turkish society to change at different speeds. Mehmet Güleryüz, who is the artist of the is a sensitive painter who observes, assimilates and has succeeded in reflecting these problems in his works by passing these problems through his intellectual filter with his ability to analyze with universal accuracy. In this study, the subject and drawing of Guleryuz's paintings were studied in this context. Keywords: Mehmet Guleryuz, 70’s, oil painting


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