scholarly journals The Kemalists

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 120-123
Author(s):  
Markus Dressler

The range of titles in Prometheus Books’ “Islamic Studies” section is quiteintriguing. According to its webpage, this “leading publisher in philosophy,popular science, and critical thinking” appears to be dedicated to coveringIslamic-related topics of interest in a comprehensive manner for a post-9/11western audience. Recnet publications include The Legacy of Jihad: IslamicHoly War and the Fate of Non-Muslims (the author is a professor of medicine),The Myth of Islamic Tolerance (authored by the “director of JihadWatch”), and Leaving Islam: Apostates Speak Out and Why I Am not aMuslim (both by the notorious Ibn Warraq).The book under review fits into this series due to its apologetic characterand narrow perspective on Islam – a perspective that sees political enunciationsmotivated by Islam as threatening and in direct contradiction to the(presumably universal) modern. The front book flap sets the tone and catersto a broad readership: “A clash of civilizations – between the secular traditionsof the West and the fundamentalist Islamic revival in the East – hasplunged the world into serious crisis.”First of all, it has to be stated that The Kemalists is neither an academicbook nor an “Islamic Studies” book. It is filled with methodological problemsand utterly incorrect statements about Islam. One particularly blatant exampleshould suffice to make this point: On page 198, Kaylan lumps together asbrotherhoods the “reactionary” Muslim Brotherhood, the “Shafis” (sic), the“Maliki Brotherhood,” and the “liberal … Melami and Bektashi brotherhoods”– apparently not understanding the differences between a modernIslamist movement, schools of law, and Sufi orders. To be fair, the author doesnot claim to be an Islamicist; however, it is disturbing to see how politicallymotivated treatises such as his gain publicity under an “Islamic Studies” label ...

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan

Abstract: In 1989 Francis Fukuyama with his article The End of History? In the journal The National Interest revolves a speculative thesis that after the West conquered its ideological rival, hereditary monarchy, fascism and communism, the constellation of the world of international politics reached a remarkable consensus to liberal democracy. A few years later, Samuel P. Huntington came up with a more provocative thesis that ideological-based war would be a civilization-based war in his article, The Clash of Civilizations? In the journal Foreign Affairs. It reveals that in the future the world will be shaped by interactions among the seven or eight major civilizations of Western civilization: Confucius, Japan, Islam, Hinduism, Orthodox Slavs, Latin America and possibly Africa. Huntington directed the West to pay particular attention to Islam, for Islam is the only civilization with great potential to shake Western civilization. Departing from the above hypotheses, this paper will specifically discuss the bias of Fukuyama and Huntington's thesis on Islam, and how its solution to build a dialogue of civilization by taking the paradigm of dialogue from Ibn Rushd and Raghib As-Sirjani. Abstrak: Pada tahun 1989 Francis Fukuyama dengan artikelnya The End of History? Dalam jurnal The National Interest revolusioner tesis spekulatif bahwa setelah Barat telah menaklukkan lawan-lawan ideologisnya, monarki herediter, fasisme dan komunisme, konstelasi politik internasional mencapai konsensus yang luar biasa untuk demokrasi liberal. Beberapa tahun kemudian, Samuel P. Huntington muncul dengan tesis yang lebih provokatif bahwa perang berbasis ideologis akan menjadi perang berbasis peradaban dalam artikelnya, The Clash of Civilisations? Dalam jurnal Luar Negeri. Ini mengungkapkan bahwa di masa depan akan dibentuk oleh interaksi antara tujuh atau delapan peradaban utama peradaban Barat: Konfusius, Jepang, Islam, Hindu, Slavia Ortodoks, Amerika Latin dan mungkin Afrika. Perhatian Huntington pada Islam adalah potensi terpenting untuk mengguncang peradaban Barat. Berangkat dari hipotesis di atas, makalah ini akan secara khusus membahas bias tesis Fukuyama dan Huntington tentang Islam, dan bagaimana mereka akan mengambil paradigma dialog dari Ibn Rushd dan Raghib As-Sirjani.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 47-56
Author(s):  
Azmil bin Zainal Abidin

Sa`id Hawwa was a prominent figure of the post-Ottoman Islamic revival. As well as being a member of the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria, he was also grounded in Sufi tradition and education. He exerted an effort to re-organize the orientation of understanding about the tradition of Islamic knowledge in order to answer the challenge of the Western thoughts. His work is impregnated with new ideas related to the forms of interactions towards the Islamic disciplines which come in equilibrium; this includes the knowledge of tasawwuf. The objective of this study is to identify the Sufi framework which underlies Sa'id Hawwa’s works. The study also examines his perspective in revitalizing Sufi discourse in relation to current reality. Another objective of the study is to analyse his recommendations in endorsing the current understanding and practice of Sufism. This research was based on literature review through the documentation method in collecting data related to the research questions as well as data analysis method; thaht was the process of identifying the form of data collected for interpretation. The study finds that Sa'id Hawwa’s works are centered on purifying the conceptions of the Muslim community in their interaction with the world and Sufism. He stressed on the link between tasawwuf with other Islamic branches of knowledge. In the theoretical context, he reaffirmed that Sufism, as a stage of experiential faith (dhawqi), is a consequence of the monotheistic creed of Islam, which is a stage of intellectual faith (aqli). In the practical context, he emphasized the importance of orientating Sufism so as not to neglect the demands of the current obligations (wajib al-waqt) based on the current Islamic scenarios. The study concludes that Sa'id Hawwa made several contributions to the field of Sufism:  they are the integration of Sufi discourse with perspectives from other forms of Islamic knowledge;  and the revitalization of Sufi discourse by acknowledging current reality; and the criticism of those apsects of Sufism that are deemed to have deviated from the authentic Sufi path. He also linked aspects of the practice of Sufism with spiritual preparation for the restoration of the caliphate system. In other words, Sa’id Hawwa’s perspective is centered on the re-interpretation of Sufism, as a medium to elevate the status of the Islamic Sharia comprehensively.   Keywords: Sa`id Hawwa; contemporary tasawwuf perspective; Sufism tradition.     Sa`id Hawwa adalah tokoh idea kebangkitan Islam pasca-Uthmaniyyah. Selain menceburi gerakan al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin Syria, keperibadian beliau berlatarkan tradisi dan pendidikan kesufian. Dalam konteks keilmuan, beliau berusaha menyusun semula kerangka tradisi ilmu agar siap menghadapi bentuk cabaran dan serangan pemikiran Barat. Karya beliau sarat dengan idea pembaharuan berhubung bentuk interaksi terhadap disiplin ilmu Islam secara sepadu dan seimbang, termasuk ilmu tasawuf. Kajian ini bertujuan mengenal pasti sudut pandang yang melatari karya tasawuf Sa`id Hawwa. Penulisan ini turut mengkaji perspektif beliau dalam menyegarkan wacana tasawuf menurut realiti semasa. Termasuk dalam objektif kajian adalah menganalisis saranan beliau dalam memperbaiki aspek kefahaman dan pengamalan tasawuf semasa. Penulisan ini diasaskan kepada kajian kepustakaan menerusi metode dokumentasi dalam mengumpulkan data penting berkaitan persoalan yang dikaji dan metode analisis data iaitu proses mengesan bentuk data yang telah dikumpul untuk melakukan interpretasi. Kajian mendapati, karya Sa`id Hawwa adalah berpaksikan pemurnian semula konsepsi umat Islam dalam berinteraksi dengan tasawuf. Beliau menekankan pertautan di antara ilmu tasawuf dengan panduan ilmu-ilmu Islam lainnya. Dalam konteks teoretikal, beliau menegaskan kedudukan ilmu tasawuf yang berupa iman di peringkat rasaan (dhawqi) sebagai susulan ilmu akidah tauhid yang berupa iman di peringkat akliah (aqli). Dalam konteks praktikal, beliau menekankan kepentingan orientasi penghayatan tasawuf yang tidak mencuaikan tuntutan kewajipan semasa (wajib al-waqt) menurut senario umat Islam. Kajian merumuskan sumbangan utama Sa`id Hawwa di bidang tasawuf iaitu mengintegrasikan tasawuf dengan perspektif ilmu-ilmu Islam lain, mengaitkan wacana tasawuf dengan realiti semasa dan mengkritik gejala penyimpangan dari landasan tasawuf yang sahih. Beliau turut mengaitkan aspek pengamalan tasawuf sebagai persiapan rohani dalam mengembalikan semula sistem khilafah. Dalam erti kata lain, perspektif Sa`id Hawwa berpaksikan kepada pemaknaan semula tasawuf sebagai wahana memartabatkan syariat Islam secara komprehensif.   Kata kunci: Sa`id Hawwa; perspektif tasawuf kontemporari; tradisi kesufian.


Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
R. William Liddle ◽  
Saiful Mujani

Recent scholarship on Islam and world politics asks how Muslims relate with the United States, but has conceived of foreign policy preferences in simplistic, pro- or anti-US terms. This chapter examines how Islamic revivalism shapes foreign policy attitudes in Indonesia, introducing a flexible methodology for capturing both the multidimensionality and nonexclusivity of Indonesian Muslims’ views of the West, the Muslim World, East Asia, and Southeast Asia. It shows that pious Muslims in Indonesia are not more likely to be anti-US; they are, rather, more likely to hold cosmopolitan worldviews. These findings are inconsistent with a “clash of civilizations” view of Islamic revivalism in Indonesia. Instead, they support an alternative perspective of Islamic revivalism as marked by modernity and cosmopolitanism rather than fundamentalism or particularism.


Philosophy ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-308

Though written several years earlier, Samuel P. Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order has had quite a vogue since September 11th. Philosophers of history, however, will recognize its themes as a re-hash, albeit a timely re-hash, of the eighteenth century dispute between the universalism and optimism of the enlightenment and the cultural relativism and pessimism of Herder.Instead of Voltaire and Diderot in the eighteenth century, in 2002 we have what Huntington calls Davos people, after the annual World Economic Forum meeting in that place. Those who go to Davos include many of the top businessmen, bankers, government officials and opinion formers in the world. They and their kind control most international institutions, most of the world's finances and many governments. They believe in individualism, market economies and political democracy.There is nothing wrong with these beliefs or with holding them. Problems arise when, in enlightenment fashion, Davos people think of these beliefs not just as universal in content but as universally believed in. For though Davos people control much of the world and form political elites in many countries inside and outside the West, outside the West they and their ideas find favour with probably less than one per cent of the world's population. As Huntington puts it this provokes a typically Herderian reaction: ‘The non-Wests see as Western what the West sees as universal. What Westerners herald as benign global integration, such as the proliferation of worldwide media, non-Westerners denounce as nefarious Western imperialism. To the extent that non-Westerners see the world as one, they see it as a threat.’And not only non-Westerners. Much of the success of so-called far right and nationalist movements in Western Europe is undoubtedly due to a Herderian reaction within the West to globalization and federalism, and much of the anger implicit in that reaction is stoked by the complacency of the Davos people.There is indeed nothing wrong with Davos beliefs in themselves, at least nothing that would convict those who hold them of any nefarious or sinister motives. Nor is there anything wrong with the more general enlightenment belief in a universal human nature and a universal standard of morality. The difficulty is to hold this and cognate beliefs, while recognizing that they may not be universally shared, and understanding and even respecting the sensibilities of those who might not share them. In the minds of those who disagree, failure on this point will transform what is supposed to be a liberating faith in universal human rights into an instrument of oppression. But how can one respect what one believes is wrong and even harmful, while not acceding to the very relativism one's commitment to universal truth would strenuously contest—and for the best of philosophical reasons?We are no nearer to solving this problem on a philosophical level than were our predecessors two hundred years ago. But if Huntington and other observers of the world scene are right, its solution is more urgent now than it has ever been.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fuad Fanani

The global war on terror that was started after 11/9 tragedy has continued until<br />to date. The global war on terror not only shaped the new political balance in the<br />international world, but also influenced the relationships between the U.S. and<br />Western countries with Muslims countries and Muslims around the world. This is<br />because the war on terror has positioned Islam and Muslims in negative image<br />as the serious threat to the West. Many people stated that the 11/9 tragedy is the<br />evidence of “the clash of civilizations” between Islam and the West. As a result,<br />some observers argue that the war on terror is the war against Islam based on<br />the clash of civilizations thesis. However, others rebut this argument by explaining<br />the facts that many Islamic countries supported to the war on terror. In fact,<br />Islam has many schools of thought and cannot be understood in single understanding.<br />Importantly, Islamic extremist movements are not the mainstream group<br />in Muslims societies. This article will examine the relationship between the war<br />on terror and the clash of civilizations thesis. It also assesses the Islamic world<br />and Muslims response toward this agenda. It will argue that the war on terror is not war against Islam, but the war against terrorist groups and radical Muslims<br />which often hijacked Islam.<br />Perang global atas teror yang diprakarsai Amerika Serikat sebagai tanggapan<br />terhadap tragedi 11 September 2011 terus berlanjut hingga hari ini. Diskursus ini<br />tidak hanya memengaruhi keseimbangan politik dalam percaturan international,<br />namun juga mempunyai dampak yang signifikan terhadap relasi antara Islam<br />dan Barat. Hal ini karena Islam dan kaum Muslim ditempatkan pada posisi yang<br />negatif dan menjadi ancaman nyata terhadap Barat. Berkaitan dengan itu,<br />masyarakat banyak yang mempercayai bahwa tragedi 11 September adalah bukti<br />nyata dari tesis “benturan peradaban” antara Islam dan Barat. Dalam hal ini,<br />banyak pengamat juga meyakini bahwa the global war on terror adalah perang<br />melawan Islam berdasarkan analisis benturan peradaban. Namun, sebagian<br />pengamat membantah bahwa perang ini adalah perang melawan Islam dengan<br />menunjukkan bukti banyak negara Muslim yang bergabung dengan agenda ini. Di<br />samping itu, Islam juga mempunyai banyak mazhab pemikiran dan tidak bisa<br />dipahami menjadi hanya satu pemahaman. Gerakan Islam ekstremis pun, tidak<br />menjadi arus utama dalam masyarakat Islam. Artikel ini akan menganalisis<br />hubungan antara the global ar on terror dan benturan antarperadaban. Juga<br />akan dibahas respon dunia Islam dan masyarakat Muslim terhadap agenda global<br />ini. Berkaitan dengan itu, artikel ini akan berargumen bahwa the global war<br />on terror bukanlah perang melawan Islam, namun perang melawan teroris dan<br />Muslim radikal yang seringkali membajak Islam.


1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26
Author(s):  
Mohammad Mumtaz Ali

One of the main characteristics of contemporary Islamic thought,especially within the traditions of Islamic revival movements and theIslamization of knowledge movement, is its critical attitude toward boththe Islamic heritage and western ideas, concepts, and theories. Thinkersand scholars of these movements have neither rejected entirely the westerncontributions toward knowledge, unlike the rejectionists, nor havethey accepted it blindly, like the adoptationists. Most thinkers in thesemovements do not accept western ideas and concepts without a criticalevaluation from an Islamic perspective. Khurshid Ahmad aptly remarks:The Islamic movement clearly differentiates between developmentand modernization on the one hand and westernization andsecularization on the other. It says “yes” to modernization but“no” to blind westernization.’Such a stance on modernization may not be attributed only to suchIslamic movements as the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt,2 established byHasan a1 Banna,’ and the Jama‘at-e-Islami of the Indian s~bcontinent,~founded by Abul A‘la Mawdudi,’ but also to the Islamization of knowledgemovement.6 The type of modernization welcomed by scholars ofthese movements is not the same as that conceived by the West; rather,it is an Islamic modernization based on an Islamic epistemology ...


Author(s):  
حنان لطفي زين الدين

بؤس الدهرانية: النقد الائتماني لفصل الأخلاق عن الدين، طه عبد الرحمن، الدار البيضاء: الشبكة العربية للأبحاث والنشر، 2014م، 191 صفحة. منطق تدبير الاختلاف من خلال أعمال طه عبد الرحمن، حمّو النقّاري، الدار البيضاء: الشبكة العربية للأبحاث والنشر، 2014م، 127 صفحة. نقد اللغة العربية الفصحى: نظرات في قوانين تطورها وبلى المهجور من ألفاظها، عبد الله أيت الأعشير، الكويت: وزارة الأوقاف والشؤون الإسلامية ومجلة الوعي الإسلامي، 2014م، 208 صفحة. في سؤال العلمانية: الإشكاليات التاريخية والآفاق المعرفية، البشير ربوح (مشرفاً ومنسقاً)، الجزائر ولبنان: ابن النديم للنشر والتوزيع ودار الروافد الثقافية - ناشرون، 2015م، 388 صفحة. العلمنة من الداخل: رصد تسرب التأصيلات العلمانية إلى فكر التيارات الإسلامية المعاصرة، البشير عصام المراكشي، القاهرة: مركز تفكر للبحوث والدراسات، 2014م، 309 صفحة. الشورى: عقود من الذكريات الجميلة، سعود بن علي الحارثي، مسقط: بيت الغشام للنشر والترجمة، 2014م، 88 صفحة. نظرية الشورى في الإسلام وسبل تفعيلها كنظام سياسي، أمجد ربيع أبو العلا، القاهرة: دار العلوم للنشر والتوزيع، 2014م، 159 صفحة. الرواية العربية الجديدة: السرد وتشكّل القيم، إبراهيم الحجري، دمشق: النايا للدراسات والنشر والتوزيع، 2014م، 368 صفحة. Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism (Haney Foundation Series), Tristan James Mabry, University of Pennsylvania Press, February 2015, 264 pages. Religion, Secularism, and Constitutional Democracy (Religion, Culture, and Public Life), Jean L. Cohen & Cécile Laborde (Editors), Columbia University Press, December 2015, 464 pages. Islam and Secularity: The Future of Europe's Public Sphere (Public Planet Books), Nilüfer Göle, Public Planet Books, October 2015, 280 pages. Pious Practice and Secular Constraints: Women in the Islamic Revival in Europe, Jeanette Jouili, Stanford University Press, May 2015, 272 pages. Islam, Context, Pluralism and Democracy: Classical and Modern Interpretations (Islamic Studies Series), Yaser Ellethy, Routledge, December 2014, 354 pages. The Qur'an and the West, Kenneth Cragg, Georgetown University Press, January 2016, 244 pages. The Anxiety of Erasure: Trauma, Authorship, and the Diaspora in Arab Women's Writings (Gender, Culture, and Politics in the Middle East), Hanadi Al-Samman, Syracuse University Press, December 2015, 312 pages. للحصول على كامل المقالة مجانا يرجى النّقر على ملف ال PDF  في اعلى يمين الصفحة.


1994 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
Mohammed M. Karabal

Every phase of American foreign policy has found its supporters inAmerican academia. The Cold War had its famous academicians who notonly justified American foreign policy at that time but later becameprominent decisionmakers. Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Baezinski arestill remembered as successful academicians who became policymakers.However, only one prominent scholar has been able to survive the ColdWar with his credibility intact while maintaining his influence on Americanforeign policy: Samuel P. Huntington.In his recent article on "The Clash of Civilizations" (Foreign Afsairs77:3), Huntington attempts to predict the scenario of the New WorldOrder that will have to be dealt with by the West. He then seeks to influencenot only American foreign policy, but that of the entire West. Hisopening argument is that the old topology of conflict will be replaced byconflicts of civilizations. The world will be divided according to existingcivilizations (i.e., western, Islamic, Confucianist, Hindu, Buddhist, LatinAmerican, and possibly African). He then MITOWS the list of enemies totwo civilizations: Confucianism and Islam. This short commentary willconcentrate on the reasons behind Huntington's article in order to uncoverthe decay that is eating away at the beautiful face of the West.The Supremacy of Western CivilizationFrom the beginning, Huntington attempts to convince the reader thatthe West represents a homogeneous culture. In addition, he infers that itsculture and civilization is desired because it is superior and therefore naturalfor it to dominate. Here, he lacks the necessary credibility to providea reason for such supremacy. Such a worldview is not new, for the samementality helped to form similar justifications for westem colonialism:"civilizing mission" and the "white man's burden" are the predecessorsto Huntington's arguments.Indirectly, Huntington calls upon the nonwestem world &I join westemcivilization. He assumes that some nonwestem civilizations might acceptwestem dominance faster and easier than others. The obstacles forjoining, which are most difficult for Islamic and Confucian societies, canbe traced to their cultures. He argues that such societies will not only rejectwestem civilization, but that they will develop their own economicand military capabilities through cooperation with each other. But whyshould he nonwestem world "join" the West, especially when "join," inHuntington's dictionary, means "dependent" or "servant" of the West, not ...


2002 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-428
Author(s):  
IVAN T. BEREND

There have been numerous fault-lines in society in the past due to religion, race, social class and nation. Current fault-lines relate to demography: the West has a falling population whereas many countries elsewhere in the world are undergoing large population growth; net emigration has been replaced by immigration. The previous Western dominance in economic activity has also changed and the balance has moved east. These and other factors are considered as pointers to the future.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document