scholarly journals CONCEPTUAL METAPHOR IN THE GERMAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE AS A REFLECTION OF MIGRATION PROCESSES (BASED ON OFFICIAL STATEMENTS OF THE PARTY “ALTERNATIVE FOR GERMANY”)

Author(s):  
T. S. Medvedeva ◽  
V. E. Kazakova

The paper considers the metaphorical models as a way of conceptual-metaphorical representation of migration policies pursued by the German federal government in the texts of official statements of the right-wing opposition party “Alternative for Germany” (AfD). The study aims at analyzing the functioning of conceptual metaphors in the German political discourse focused on migration processes. The study is based on the texts of AfD’s official statements within the 2016th and the 2019th years posted on the website https://www.afd.de/ The overall number of the analyzed texts is 70. The theory of political metaphor is currently one of the most urgent and dynamic fields of linguistics. In our opinion, the metaphorization of migration processes is understudied and needs addressing the topic. As a result of the research, the conclusion is made that the metaphor serves as one of the most important and effective ways of manipulation aimed at controlling the public awareness and contributing to shaping political viewpoints that benefit the addresser. Throughout the study we analyzed the basic metaphorical models used to describe migration processes in Germany; a classification of predominant metaphors based on the sources of metaphorical expansion was worked out. Besides, we tried to trace the dynamics of using the metaphorical models within the four-year period. In 2016 as well as in 2019 nature-morphic, anthropomorphic, sociomorphic models were widely used in the official statements of the AfD party. However, the number of the metaphors in the texts dated 2016 is half as much as in 2019 (184 versus 120). In both periods of time the sociomorphic model proved to be the most popular but it is much more frequent in 2019. However, in the texts dated 2016 it comprises additional concepts of religion and hospitality. The nature-morphic metaphor is twice more frequent in 2016. The percent of anthropomorphic and cognitive metaphors in both periods of time remains unaltered.

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110522
Author(s):  
David Nicolas Hopmann ◽  
Andreas R.T. Schuck

Prior studies have reported a right-leaning bias in the media’s reporting of how the public thinks of political issues, raising the question: Why, and to what extent, is this the case? One reason in particular has been discussed in this regard: Journalists judge public opinion to be more right leaning than it actually is (Beckers et al. 2021; Lewis et al. 2004). This paper therefore studies to what extent journalists misjudge audience opinion. The analyses are based on large-scale representative surveys of journalists (1993/2005) and the voting-age population (1994/2005) in Germany. Results show that German journalists (mis-)judge audience opinion to be more right-leaning than the audience sees itself. The results also show that journalists judge audience opinion to be to the right of their own stances, and that journalists in federal states with a right-leaning government and in West Germany judge audience opinion to be even further to the right. Audience feedback does not push journalists’ judgements of their audience towards the right, however. These results are discussed vis-à-vis research showing that there is a consistent bias in the depiction of opinions expressed by ordinary citizens, and research documenting that political elites overestimate public support for right-wing policies.


Author(s):  
Donald Cohen

This chapter focuses on the right wing's astonishingly successful efforts to privatize public goods and services. Privatization has been one of the highest priorities of the right wing for many years, and the chapter shows how it threatens both labor and democracy. Intentionally blurring the lines between public and private institutions, private companies and market forces undermine the common good. This chapter documents the history of privatization in the United States, from President Reagan's early efforts to Clinton and Gore's belief in private markets. Showing how privatization undermines democratic government, the chapter describes complex contracts that are difficult to understand, poorly negotiated “public–private partnership” deals, and contracts that provide incentives to deny public services. With huge amounts of money at stake, privateers are increasingly weighing in on policy debates—not based on the public interest but rather in pursuit of avenues that increase their revenues, profits, and market share. Privatization not only destroys union jobs but also aims to cripple union political involvement so that the corporate agenda can spread unfettered. Nevertheless, community-based battles against privatization have succeeded in many localities, demonstrating the power of fighting back to defend public services, public jobs, and democratic processes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 989-997
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa

The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries.


Author(s):  
D. Nesterova

The concept of public information in the form of open data and its main features are studied. It is determined that due to the possible wide application of open data, the definition of the main grounds for the classification of open data is an insufficiently covered issue. The purpose of this study is to determine the types and criteria for the classification of public information in the form of open data. This is necessary for their widespread use in order to solve socially important tasks and to use their full potential in unusual directions. The author has analyzed international reports on open data and identified the problems of the quality of such data and the possibility of using them to solve socially important tasks. The classification of open data is formed on the following grounds: 1. by data type; 2. by data format; 3. by subject. The article determines the value of open data to society and the possibility of its wide use in the example of other countries. The problems that complicate the implementation of the government data discovery initiative in Ukraine include the underdeveloped culture of open government; insufficient level of training of public authorities to work with open data; insufficient funding for the public data discovery initiative; low level of public awareness and interest in public data and the benefits of using it. Unfortunately, most citizens are still satisfying their curiosity by using open data. The author notes that using data that describes the patterns we live in can help us solve problems in ways we may not have anticipated. As a rule, public sector systems do not respond too quickly on changes. With open data, they could track, predict and respond to real-time changes. This would allow the public sector to streamline its processes and services and it would be possible to clearly identify areas for improving and increasing productivity, to develop specialized solutions based on various demographic indicators and other factors. This would be a huge transformational leap in attracting open data to the public sector, as it opens up a number of areas for innovation. The author substantiates the importance of open data for public sector transformation, economic benefits and their use as an instrument for creating an information society.


Author(s):  
G.E. I Ibragimova ◽  
◽  
A.M. Karamanov ◽  

The article examines the ascent of the party «Alternative for Germany» (AFD) from its creation in 2012 to a sharp jump in popularity in the parliamentary elections in 2017. Special emphasis is paid to the review of the strengthening of Eurosceptic rhetoric, criticism of modern German politics as a result of the arrival of farright politicians to the leading positions in the party. The article concludes that Euroscepticism has become one of the components of the broad populist platform of the party as the AFD has developed. Moreover, it is established that unexpectedly high support for the AFD by the German electorate and the party’s acquisition of the status of the main opposition force in the Bundestag becomes an important factor for the German establishment in the context of defending its position on further deepening the processes of European integration.


Author(s):  
Fabian Georgi ◽  
John Kannankulam

John Kannankulam and Fabian Georgi show, that the dominant authoritarian neoliberal fraction of the german Federal Government made a change of course in summer 2012. It quits with some ordoliberal principles and stops resistance against the mutualization of debt and expansive monetary policy. The alliance of a national-conservative and an ordoliberal fraction broke up. The contradiction within the (neo-)liberals and conservatives result in a foundation of a new right-wing party, the AfD, Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany). Anyway new conflicts arise and the Great Coalition of Merkel’s CDU and the Social Democrats hold on its hard-line (against greece): austerity. John Kannankulam and Fabian Georgi reconstruct the dynamics on the basis of four phases in which the authoritarian-neoliberal fraction prevail.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shadrack Muma ◽  
Stephen Obonyo

Abstract Background: VISION 2020: The Right to Sight, was to ensure that by the year 2020, a great reduction in the incidences of avoidable blindness be recorded. This was achivable by training optometrists. Kenya has a population of 47 million, with 56 registered optometrists who are not regulated by the government. However there is no data on optometrists view on the future of optometry in Kenya and the public health implication. Methods: A semi-structured questionnaire was emailed to 56 registered optometrists. The questionnaire contained broad areas such as demographics of participants, their view on status of optometry in kenya, challenges faced by the optometrists, availability of lecturers, their concerns on the way forward and how these issues impacts on public health. A chi-square was used to look at associations and odds ratio was computed.Results: A vast majority (90%) of the respondents suggested that regulating optometry will be the only solution to their problems. Most respondents 91.7% agreed that the situation has impacted negatively on the public health. General public awareness on what is optometry should be enhanced 79%. The qualitative analysis produced four broad themes: (1) regulation; (2) unity; (3) public health implication and (4) creating public awareness. Conclusion: The key recommendations was to lobby for regulation of optometry practise and there is need for public awareness on what is optometry and their role in the eye care. Adequate lecturers should be recruited to ensure quality among graduates in delivery to the public.


2017 ◽  
pp. 100-109
Author(s):  
A. Martynov

The article highlights the political renaissance of European right-wing populist skeptics in most countries of the European Union. These political parties to the global economic crisis in 2008, when the process of European integration was on the rise, remained on the margins of politics. The crisis of the liberal model of globalization, the influx of refugees from crisis areas of conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, increased social contradictions reanimated populist right-wing ideology. This socio-political response to this reality has pushed the popularity of far-right nationalist political forces in most Central European countries. In terms of ideology classification of these political forces are represented as populists “left” orientation (the French “National Front”) and “right” populists (the party “Alternative for Germany”). This fact confirms the erosion of traditional ideological markers in politics and the crisis of determining its strategy and tactics.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleanor MacPherson ◽  
Joanna Reynolds ◽  
Esnart Sanudi ◽  
Alexander Nkaombe ◽  
John Mankhomwa ◽  
...  

Drug resistant infections are increasing across the world and urgent action is required to preserve current classes of antibiotics. Antibiotic use practices in low-and-middle-income countries have gained international attention, especially as antibiotics are often accessed beyond the formal health system. Public awareness campaigns have gained popularity, often conceptualising antimicrobial resistance (AMR) as a problem of excess, precipitated by irrational behaviour. Insufficient attention has been paid to people’s lived experiences of accessing medicines in low-income contexts. In Chikwawa District, Malawi, a place of extreme scarcity, our study aimed to understand the care and medicine use practices of households dependent on subsistence farming. Adopting an anthropological approach, we undertook medicine interviews (100), ethnographic fieldwork (six-month period) and key informant interviews (33) with a range of participants in two villages in rural Chikwawa. The most frequently used drugs were cotrimoxazole and amoxicillin, not considered to be of critical importance to human health. Participants recognised that keeping, sharing, and buying medicines informally was not the “right thing.” However, they described using antibiotics and other medicines in these ways due to conditions of extreme precarity, the costs and limitations of seeking formal care in the public sector, and the inevitability of future illness. Our findings emphasise the need in contexts of extreme scarcity to equip policy actors with interventions to address AMR through strengthening health systems, rather than public awareness campaigns that foreground overuse and the dangers of using antibiotics beyond the formal sector.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1S) ◽  
pp. 38S-66S
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bielska-Brodziak ◽  
◽  
Marlena Drapalska-Grochowicz ◽  
Caterina Peroni ◽  
Elisa Rapetti ◽  
...  

This paper focuses on the public debate in Poland and Italy concerning the right to abortion in the contemporary rise of populist neo-conservative forces in Europe and of a global feminist movement. In both countries, the historical Catholic interference into women's reproductive rights and self-determination has been enforced by the renewed alliance of right-wing governments and pro-life groups to converge into a transnational “anti-gender war”. This represents a real backlash against women’s achievements over the last decades in terms of reproductive and sexual citizenship, which appears to be the battlefield for redefinition of western citizenship in times of global crisis. Although different genealogies, we identified a common framing of neo-conservative discourse, and of feminist claims and practices, as that of feminist strikes and social mutualism. In this perspective, we consider these practices as a normativity from below, arguing that feminist movement is addressing a new paradigm of citizenship.


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