scholarly journals CHINA'S ENERGY DIPLOMACY TOWARDS RUSSIA IN THE EASTERN SIBERIA PIPELINE DEVELOPMENT DURING PRESIDENT XI JINPING PERIOD

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
pp. 129-151
Author(s):  
Muhamad Firmansyah ◽  
Silvia Dian Anggraeni

China is a very active country in building energy diplomacy relations towards Russia. Since the end of the Cold War, the intensity of energy relations between the two countries has been increasing, one of which is related to the Eastern Siberian pipeline project. The Eastern Siberian pipeline project is a strategic project for China to maintain the stability of their energy security in the future. This is what makes China under the leadership of Xi Jinping, increasingly seeking to improve their energy diplomacy relations towards Russia in an effort to develop the Eastern Siberian pipeline project which includes two major projects, specifically oil pipeline through the Eastern Siberian Pasific Ocean (ESPO) and the natural gas pipeline through the Power of Siberia. Using qualitative research methods and literature reviews, the authors sought to provide an in-depth analysis of China's implementation of energy diplomacy against Russia in the development of the Eastern Siberian pipeline. China's energy diplomacy towards Russia is part of efforts to diversify China's energy imports many involving actors of China's national energy companies. This research also proves that energy cooperation relationships are not only built within bilateral frameworks but also in multilateral frameworks as part of China-Russia efforts to accelerate the development of the Eastern Siberian pipeline.

Author(s):  
Osman Nuri Aras ◽  
Elchin Suleymanov ◽  
Fakhri Hasanov

The Republic of Azerbaijan is one of the oil and gas rich countries of the former Soviet Union. After the second stage of the Shah Deniz gas field, natural gas extraction and exportation became one of the key elements of Azerbaijan’s oil and gas strategy. Diversification of the oil and gas transportation has a great importance in Azerbaijan’s energy security policy and in this regard, TANAP is an important project after Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline. TANAP is a proposed natural gas pipeline project to transport Azerbaijani natural gas through Turkey to Europe in two directions. The project was firstly announced on 17 November 2011 at the Third Black Sea Energy and Economic Forum in Istanbul. It was launched in 2014 and will be expected to finish in 2018. TANAP will cost seven billion USD and will have the capacity of 23 billion cubic meters by 2023 and 31 billion cubic meters by 2026. This paper analyzes expected strategic and economic outcomes of TANAP.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 782
Author(s):  
Federico Camerin ◽  
Nicola Camatti ◽  
Francesco Gastaldi

This paper addresses the fundamental role that cultural heritage can play in local development processes to guarantee community wellbeing, quality of life, and quality of society. The enhancement of cultural heritage’s tangible and intangible values may result in sustainable and resilient territory, but a number of issues emerge when dealing with the reuse of specific inherited assets, such as former military barracks. This paper conducts an in-depth analysis of these assets, especially those released from the military after the end of the Cold War. We thus explore the Italian case through the comparison of before-1900 and 1900-to-1950 former military barracks. The objectives are the following. First, to discover how these two types of military sites are approached (or no) as proper heritage. Second, to understand how the reuse management is carrying out and how it deals with conservative and profit-driven approaches towards the achievement of cultural, economic, environmental, and social sustainability. Third, to compare the Italian case with similar international good practices to discover common/different trends and innovative solutions to be applied in Italy.


China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 000944552110470
Author(s):  
Rudolf Fürst

Deepening globalisation and worldwide availability of free information and ideas raise concerns of the communist China’s political leadership about the stability of the regime and the sustainability of the state ideological orthodoxy. Therefore, the state’s tightening control of the public communication to curtail the domestic criticism and occasional public discontent is becoming framed and legitimised in terms of cultural security as a non-traditional security concern. This study argues that the restrictive impacts of the politicisation of culture in the centralised agenda of President Xi Jinping reinvigorate China’s anti-Western narratives and attitudes. The research focuses on the state’s cultural security-related and applicable strategy in the political and institutional agenda and media. Moreover, the study also traces the state cultural security policy in the field of the civic and non-governmental sector, religious and ethnic minorities policy, literature, film and audiovisual sectors. The findings assess the concern that the intellectually anachronistic, self-restraining and internationally hostile policy devaluates China’s cultural potential and complexity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas K. Robb ◽  
David James Gill

This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.


2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Paul Kapur

Scholars attribute conventional violence in a nuclear South Asia to a phenomenon known as the “stability/instability paradox.” According to this paradox, the risk of nuclear war makes it unlikely that conventional confict will escalate to the nuclear level, thereby making conventional confict more likely. Although this phenomenon encouraged U.S.-Soviet violence during the Cold War, it does not explain the dynamics of the ongoing confict between India and Pakistan. Recent violence has seen Pakistan or its proxies launching limited attacks on Indian territory, and India refusing to retaliate in kind. The stability/instability paradox would not predict such behavior. A low probability of conventional war escalating to the nuclear level would reduce the ability of Pakistan's nuclear weapons to deter an Indian conventional attack. Because Pakistan is conventionally weaker than India, this would discourage Pakistani aggression and encourage robust Indian conventional retaliation against Pakistani provocations. Pakistani boldness and Indian restraint have actually resulted from instability in the strategic environment. A full-scale Indo-Pakistani conventional confict would create a significant risk of nuclear escalation. This danger enables Pakistan to launch limited attacks on India while deterring allout Indian conventional retaliation and attracting international attention to the two countries' dispute over Kashmir. Unlike in Cold War Europe, in contemporary South Asia nuclear danger facilitates, rather than impedes, conventional confict.


Author(s):  
Haşmet Gökirmak

This chapter discusses the possibility of developing an energy market in Turkey. Turkey currently serves as an energy transit corridor, with the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) and Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipelines and with its seaborne oil trade, where large volumes are carried by tankers through its straits. Turkey also has the potential to become an energy market with new projects connecting producers in Central Asia, the Middle East, and the Caucasus, and major consumers of oil and natural gas in Europe and other regions of the world. Two recent megaprojects, The Trans Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline Project (TANAP) and Turkish Stream will move Turkey closer to fulfilling this dream. Turkey, however, needs to meet some requirements to be considered a mature energy market. These are related, among others, to factors such as its infrastructure, storage capacity, market reforms, and easy market access for private firms to actively participate in the energy market.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1207-1220
Author(s):  
Blake Stewart

In recent years the rise of far-right politics in North America and Europe has called into question the stability and cohesion of the so-called liberal international order. Scholars and commentators have argued that this swelling configuration of reactionary social forces threatens the future of western hegemony within a 21st century global capitalism. This essay reflects on the role of transnational organizations, organic intellectuals and elite actors in shaping the modern far-right movement. This essay will discuss the rise of a transnational ideology of the contemporary far-right which I call ‘far-right civilizationism’. This far-right ‘hegemonic project’ seeks to challenge the centrist global governance model of ‘neoliberal cosmopolitanism’, which has been dominant in the West since the end of the Cold War. The reactionary worldview of far-right civilizationism represents an alternative elite grand strategy for world order, purposed to refurbish elite hegemony during a period of profound structural crisis.


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