scholarly journals Moldova–Ukraine Cooperation: Matters of Regional Security

2019 ◽  
pp. 321-328
Author(s):  
Ruslan Bolbocean

The article succinctly delineates the origins and development of the history of diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Moldova throughout the centuries. The author stresses that the latter represent about 600 years of cultural, religious, and scientific links between Ukrainians and Moldovans. The first high-profile ties were established circa the 17th century and were related to Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and Vasile Lupu, Voivode of Moldavia. Subsequently, further relations of the Ukrainian and Moldovan nations are embodied in the relations between the Ukrainian People’s Republic and Moldavian Democratic Republic in 1917–18. After both states declared independence in 1991, the official interstate relations were established between modern Ukraine and Moldova. The author stresses that Orthodox Christianity as the prevailing religion of Moldovans and Ukrainians was a unifying factor for both nations. Petro Mohyla, Kyiv Metropolitan and brother of the Voivode of Moldavia, made a significant contribution to strengthening cultural relations between Moldova and Ukraine. Twenty five years of diplomatic relations between Moldova and Ukraine have been intensive and fruitful. The author underlines that the two neigbours are closely cooperation in their integration to the EU in the face of new challenges and threats to regional security. Diplomatic, political, social and economic cooperation between the two states is rapidly developing. It is underscored that the Republic of Moldova pays much attention to international cooperation on regional security issues. The author is glad that the position of his state is understood and supported by partners, namely by neighboring Ukraine. The author has no doubt that only by combining efforts can we effectively counter serious challenges and threats of modernity. Key words: Moldova, Ukraine, diplomatic relations between Moldova and Ukraine, interstate relations, social and economic cooperation.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Zhiltsov

In the last decade, the geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region is changing rapidly.The Black Sea states become members of various organizations, and new pipeline projects arebeing implemented, which create a new framework for interstate relations. An active policy iscarried out by Western countries, which seek to establish themselves on the Black Sea as thedominant force. These processes occur against the background of domestic political changesin the countries of the region, which has a direct impact on bilateral relations both between theBlack Sea states and their level of cooperation with extraregional actors.Russia’s relations with a number of Black Sea states are emerging in a new way. In recent years,the nature of interstate relations with Ukraine has changed dramatically. Kiev set a coursefor the aggravation of bilateral Russian-Ukrainian relations by defiantly expanding its foreignpolicy towards the West. The Crimea’s joining Russia as well as issues related to the Crimean-Tatar population are constantly raised by the Ukrainian side. Kiev deliberately provokesaggravation of relations in the Black Sea by relying on political and informational support fromthe EU and the USA.Despite the difficult international conditions, Russia managed to build a balanced policy towardsTurkey. Energy cooperation, trade and economic cooperation and regional security issues areimportant components of the Russian policy towards Turkey. At the same time, the Russian sidemust take into account the discrepancy between the interests of the two countries in the BlackSea region, and Ankara’s desire to use relations with Kiev and other Black Sea states to promoteits long-term interests.The Russian foreign policy has achieved some success in maintaining the country’s position inthe Black Sea region. Russian interests are based on the military-political potential, as well aseconomic mechanisms. Russian policy is aimed at minimizing the negative effects of influencein the region of Western states, and expanding political and economic cooperation with the BlackSea countries. However, the Russian side has failed to achieve a radical change in the improvement of relations with Bulgaria, which is a member of the EU and NATO. There are difficulties in the political dialogue with Romania, as well. Domestic political events in those countries, and their desire to follow Western countries and plans to join NATO have a strong influence on relations with Georgia and Ukraine. Nevertheless, the positions formed by Russia allow us to count on the protection of its interests and the preservation of influence in the Black Sea region.


Author(s):  
А.С. Хертек

Статья посвящена культурным связям между Республикой Тыва и Монголией в связи со 100-летием российско-монгольских дипломатических отношений. Автор приводит обзор ряда фактов из истории тувинского и монгольского изобразительного искусства, совместных выставочных проектов. Так, ключевыми событиями, повлиявшими на творчество мастеров, стали первая крупная выставка тувинских художников и Нади Рушевой в Монгольской Народной Республике в 1984 году, другие выставки в Монголии, Москве и Туве, групповые обменные поездки монгольских и тувинских художников в XX–XXI веках. Важными для сотрудничества стали выставки 2017 года: рисунков Нади Рушевой в Улан-Баторе и восковых фигур «Хаан хаанов» из Музея Чингисхана (Улан-Батор) в Национальном музее имени Алдан-Маадыр Республики Тыва. The article is devoted to the issue of cultural ties between the Republic of Tyva (or Tuva) and Mongolia in view of the 100th anniversary of the Russian-Mongolian diplomatic relations. The author gives an overview of a number of facts from the history of Tuvan and Mongolian fine art, joint exhibition projects. Thus, the key events that influenced the work of the masters were the first large exhibition of Tuvan artists and Nadya Rusheva in the Mongolian People's Republic in 1984, other exhibitions in Mongolia, Moscow and Tuva, group exchange trips of Mongolian and Tuvan artists in the 20th and 21st centuries. Exhibitions of 2017 became important for the development of Tuvan-Mongolian cultural relations: drawings by Nadya Rusheva in Ulaanbaatar and wax figures “Khaan Khaans” from the Genghis Khan Museum (Ulaanbaatar) in the National Museum named after Aldan-Maadyr of the Republic of Tyva.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 235-247
Author(s):  
Filip Bojović

Characteristics of diplomatic relations between Montenegro and the Republic of Albania In this article, the author describes modern diplomatic relations between Montenegro and Albania. In order to present the close ties between the two countries, will be shown the common history of both nations, which influenced the subsequent development of diplomatic relations. Attention will be focused primarily on the main branches of cooperation and on joint initiatives in the field of protection of national minorities.


Subject The militancy phenomenon. Significance The Sahel is often discussed in Western and international policy circles as a region with notable problems of porous borders, smuggling, trafficking and militant Islamists. In recent years, the Sahel has seen several high-profile terrorist attacks and violent incidents, and there is a history of Westerners being kidnapped in the Sahara. The political crisis in Mali in 2012-13 triggered military intervention by France and the deployment of a UN peacekeeping mission. Impacts High-profile terrorist attacks may recur in the Sahel but will remain rare. Regional security cooperation will grow only slowly. Militant groups will not form significant links across the region or outside it.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-164
Author(s):  
Junko Koizumi

AbstractStudies of Siam's diplomatic relations from the mid-nineteenth century have been focussed on its troubled relations with Western colonial powers, often within a bilateral framework. While highlighting issues such as territorial losses and treaty revisions, scholarly interest tends to have overlooked Siam's relations with its neighbouring countries. Based on archival records at the National Archives of Thailand, this article aims to fill this gap by examining diplomatic exchanges between the Siamese and Vietnamese courts that took place between 1879 and 1882. In April 1879, a royal mission from the Vietnamese court bearing gifts and a royal letter from Tự Đức to Chulalongkorn arrived in Bangkok. It was allegedly the first formal mission from the Vietnamese court in almost half a century after the two countries had come into conflict in the 1830s. By examining how Siam and Vietnam sought to maintain and manipulate ‘traditional’ interstate relations in the face of treaty arrangements that France enforced upon Vietnam, this article reveals complex issues involved in the process of negotiations, such as the questions of maintaining the equality between the two monarchies and of the ‘translation’ of the concepts of sovereignty between Thai and Sino-Vietnamese languages, and suggests the necessity to pay more attention to historical and broader regional contexts in Asia.


Author(s):  
O. G. Paramonov

In the face of deteriorating the regional security environment in East Asia, a noticeable growth of Japan’s defense capabilities and Tokyo’s departure from most self-restraints in the field of security policy look quite expected and natural process. At the same time, Japan continues to rely on the alliance with the United States. On the other hand, relations between Washington and Moscow are now at their lowest point since the Cold War. Japan itself has territorial claims to Russia. This means, based on confrontational logic that returns to the international agenda, that Japan’s traditionally reserved attitude towards Russia should be maintained. However, today we are witnessing a different situation. After the start of regular personal meetings between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the dialogue is intensified on a wide range of issues, including those related to international security, and especially its regional aspect. Although certain background for that was noted before the Sochi meeting between V. Putin and S. Abe, this foreign policy turn, and, in particular, its speed, came as a surprise not only for Tokyo’s Western partners, but also for many Japanese politicians and experts. This article is devoted to the analysis of its possible causes, as well as the search for an answer to the next question.Is the dialogue between Russia and Japan a situational political maneuver or a step towards cooperation on security issues?


2018 ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Iryna Matiash

The article highlights attempts to establish official intergovernmental relations between the Belarusian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic in 1917–1920. The article also pays attention to the creation of the Belarusian People's Republic, the persons of its representatives and attempts to preserve the Belarusian statehood. The author stresses that the first official contacts had already been started before the proclamation of the independence of the BPR. Relying upon archival information from the funds of the Ukrainian and Belarusian archival institutions, the activities of the Belarusian foreign missions in the UPR and the Ukrainian State are highlighted. Accomplishments of the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Polish historiography regarding the study of the history of interstate relations between the UPR and BPR are considered. The paper analyses the position of Belarusian representatives in the negotiation process with the Ukrainian side. It is specified that the Belarusian delegation having the right to deliberative vote included prominent Belarusians, who resided in Kyiv: M. Dovnar-Zapolskyi, I. Kraskovskyi, F. Burchak. Attempts to gain recognition of the BPR by Ukraine are studied. Special attention is paid to the role of the representatives of the BPR (F. Burchak, A. Tsvikevych, S. Rak-Mykhailovskyi, P. Trempovych), the undisclosed facts about their life paths are revealed. Keywords: BPR, Belarusian foreign missions in Ukraine, Aleksiuk, Trempovych, Tsvikevych, Dovnar-Zapolskyi, Belarusian Chamber of Commerce.


Author(s):  
S. O. Kurbanov ◽  
◽  

The article deals with the question what date is historically correct to trace the history of the beginning of diplomatic relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Korea to. The author questioned validity of fixing 1990 as the date when the diplomatic relations between Russia and South Korea started taking into account peculiarities and historical significance of the Russian-Korean treaties of 1992 and 1884.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhamma Zulfikar Rakhmat

This paper aims to explore the relationship between the Republic of Indonesia and the Sultanate of Oman. Oman is one of the Middle Eastern countries which have strengthened its relationship with Indonesia. In recent years, Jakarta-Muscat ties have gradually developed in various spheres, although the cooperation remains limited compared to Indonesia’s ties with other regional states. Despite these developments, Indonesia’s ties with Middle Eastern countries has received little attention in the literature. This paper thus aims to examine the nature and scope of the relationship between Indonesia and Oman in a number of spheres based on Eberling (2017)’s five-dimensional framework, which includes political-diplomatic relations, economic-trade relations, military- security relations, cultural relations, as well as petroleum-energy relations. At the same time, the paper also intends to identify the opportunities available for the two countries to expand their ties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 963-971
Author(s):  
K. V. Yumatov ◽  
K. N. Sivina

The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.


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