scholarly journals Fenomena Gerakan Sosial Digital Mahasiswa Untirta Dengan Hastag #UntirtaKokPelit di Twitter

ijd-demos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Afifah Zulfika ◽  
Yunus Sutejo

AbstractThis research tries to see how digital social movements or digital movements carried out by UNTIRTA student voice their duties through online media during the pandemic period for the spread of the covid-19 virus. This research is important because it can see how social movements in a condition that do not support the gathering of people in a place but can still voice their entry. This study offers another approach in research because in this case it tries to see social movements due to limitations and becomes an alternative, but in other social movements it is done offline and directly in the field. Meanwhile, the focus of this research is on Sultan Agung Tirtauasa University, which is one of the public universities in Banten Province. This researcher sees the extent to which digital social movements can influence policy and become an alternative that is good or not used in situations like today.Keywords: digital movement, alternative social movement, untirta. AbstrakPenelitian ini mencoba melihat bagaimana gerakan sosial digital atau digital movement yang dilakukan oleh para mahasiswa UNTIRTA dalam menyuarakan tuntutannya melalui media secara online di masa pandemi untuk menghindari penyebaran virus covid-19. Riset ini menjadi penting karena dapat melihat bagaimana alternatif gerakan sosial dalam suatu kondisi yang tidak memungkinkan berkumpulnya orangnya dalam suatu tempat namun tetap dapat menyuarakan tuntutannya. Penelitian ini menawarkan pendekatan lain dalam penelitian karena dalam hal ini mencoba melihat gerakan sosial digital karena suatu keterbatasan dan menjadi suatu alternaltif namun dalam gerakan sosial lainnya dilakukan secara offline dan secara langsung dilapangan. Sementara fokus dari riset ini adalah pada Universitas Sultan Agung Tirtauasa yang merupakan salah satu universitas negeri di Provinsi banten. Peneliti ini melihat sejauh mana gerakan sosial digital dapat mempengaruhi kebijakan dan menjadi suatu alternatif yang baik atau tidaknya digunakan dalam situasi seperti saat pandemi saat ini.Kata Kunci: digital movement, alternatif gerakan sosial, untirta.

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Elizabete David Novaes

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo busca evidenciar o papel social das mulheres nos movimentos sociais promovidos no decorrer da história. Para cumprir com tal propósito, discute o caráter patriarcal da ciência cartesiana; apresenta uma reflexão acerca da articulação entre o público e privado; elabora uma revisão teórica acerca da historiografia da mulher, ressaltando a ação da mulher em diferentes momentos da história, buscando evidenciá-la como sujeito ativo, capaz de integrar o público e o privado, participando da conquista de direitos. Para enfatizar as articulações existentes entre as dimensões pública e privada, este artigo defende que historicamente a mulher politiza vias não políticas do cotidiano, atuando em movimentos sociais promotores de reivindicações e manifestações sociais, de modo a superar limites ideologicamente traçados pelo viés patriarcal da ciência moderna, de base cartesiana, atuando na luta por direitos e participação política na história.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> gênero; historiografia; público e privado; movimentos sociais; direitos.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper describes evidences of the social role of the women inside different social movements occurred during our history. It began with a discussion the patriarchal character of Cartesian science, presents reflections about the public and private articulation, a theoretical review of the women´s historiography, emphasizing their action at different times in history and trying to emphazise them as active subject which is capable to integrate the public and private, participating of the conquer their rights. To emphasize all the previous articulations between the public and private dimensions, this manuscript argues that historically women politicize daily non-political pathways. Their actuations in social movements promote the demands and social manifestations in order to ideologically overcome the limitations set by the the patriarchal bias of modern science, acting in the the fight (ou struggle) for rights and political participation in history.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> gender, historiography, public and private; social movement; rights.</p>


Author(s):  
Néstor Horacio Cecchi ◽  
◽  
Fabricio Oyarbide ◽  

For those of us who have been going through the public university for decades, a clear tendency in most of our institutions to rethink their senses, their missions, their functions, in sum: their must be. In these times and these contexts in which deep inequalities are made visible with absolute clarity, these tendencies to construct new meanings acquire a particular relevance. We understand that public universities in the exercise of their autonomy and as members of the State, must assume a leading role with a contribution that contributes to guaranteeing rights, in particular, of the subalternized sectors. This critical positioning is inescapable to consolidate the social commitment of our higher education institutios. This compelling transformative intention has a valuable background. In this sense, we warn that both in Argentina and in some of the countries of the Region, tendencies to consolidate, systematize, institutionalize processes of emancipatory articulation in their relations with the territory, organizations and social movements have been reproduced for some years, many of them, through curricularization processes in its different meanings. These experiences, dissimilar by the way, find the need to settle, to institutionalize themselves through various conformations that in some cases converge in Educational Social Practices or similar names, with different, unique formats, but with different meanings as well. That is why we propose to display, analyze, make visible some of the salient characteristics of these processes, the regulations, their singularities, similarities, the multiplicity of their feelings, in sum, their metaphors.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Manuela Caiani

Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe—that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of "Europeanization from below."


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Widener

This research note links the covert and overt chilling effects of cyber-surveillance on activist campaigns and on the social research of social movement actors in campaigns of resistance. Based on fieldwork in Aotearoa New Zealand during campaigns of resistance against offshore and onshore oil and gas proposals, this note explores how surveillance fears impact the public gatherings and information-sharing of citizen-activists and how the researcher may fail to ensure participant confidence and confidentiality, thereby becoming the researched and documented as well. The actions and commitments of both parties, the citizen-activist and the researcher of grassroots and social movements, may be strengthened or impeded by the degree of expected, though rarely verified, political and economic surveillance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-64
Author(s):  
D. Adam Nicholson ◽  
Lauren Valentino

Scholars have long studied how social movements frame and deliver their messages, yet less is known about how these “signals” are received by the public. In this study, we examine how a social movement participant’s characteristics interact with a bystander’s to influence movement support. In addition, we examine how perceived likelihood of violence mediates these outcomes. We propose five competing models based on previous theories of emotion, race, and political views in social movement support. To adjudicate between these frameworks, we conduct an experiment using a 2x2 factorial design in which participants read a news story about a protest accompanied by an image of a neutral/angry, white/Black protestor, measuring three types of social movement support, and examine results and model fit. Results provide support for a politicized-race model: a Black protestor is more motivating for liberals’ social movement support, while a white protestor is more motivating for conservatives. Both liberals and conservatives are more likely to associate the protest with violence after seeing a Black protestor compared to a white one. Racialized perceptions of violence explain part of conservatives’ hesitancy to support the movement when seeing a Black protestor and inhibits part of the otherwise-positive effect of seeing a Black protestor for liberals.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Valentino ◽  
D. Adam Nicholson

Scholars have long studied how social movements frame and deliver their messages, yet much less is known about how these “signals” are received by the public. In this study, we ask whether and how social movement members’ characteristics interact with a bystander’s to influence whether they support a particular protest movement. In addition, we examine how perceived likelihood of violence mediates these outcomes. We test five competing models based on previous theories of emotion, race, and political views in social movement support. To adjudicate between these frameworks, we conduct an experiment using a 2x2 factorial design in which participants read a news story about a protest accompanied by an image of a neutral/angry, white/Black protestor, measuring three types of social movement support. Results provide support for the politicized race model: a Black protestor is more motivating for liberals’ social movement support, while a white protestor is more motivating for conservatives. Both liberals and conservatives are more likely to associate the protest with violence after seeing a Black protestor compared to a white one. Racialized perceptions of violence explain part of conservatives’ hesitancy to support the movement when seeing a Black protestor and inhibits part of the otherwise-positive effect of seeing a Black protestor for liberals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-584
Author(s):  
Tiago Carvalho

Over the last decade, Spain became one of the global hotspots for social movement contestation. The emergence of the 15M movement, or Indignados, was of significance not only in Spain, where it gave rise to the longest wave of mobilisation since the transition to the democracy but also internationally as its practices, repertoires and discourses became the blueprint for Occupy movements around the world. In Spain, the Indignados movement unleashed protest potential that transformed mobilisations between 2011 and 2014. The potency of these protests led to a shift in the public debate and the emergence of new parties such as Podemos and Ciudadanos. The 15M was not only a consequence of austerity under the Great Recession. It also transformed democracy, bringing to the fore new frames and repertoires that impacted institutional politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-109
Author(s):  
Cirra Desianti ◽  
Nuri Syafrikurniasari

One of the phenomena which are currently headlining in 2019 is the presidential election campaign. The media are competing to spread the news about this phenomenon to the public which aims to provide information needs concerning many people, but it is unfortunate that the media competition, especially online media, do not follow the rules of the online media, because it wants to be the fastest giving headlines to the public to become a media that is loved. Student Voice UKM is the object of this research to see how they perceive the 2019 presidential election campaign from online media, to see whether online media follow the online media KEJ rules as obedient or not with detikcom's background being the first online media in Indonesia. That way the author makes this research using descriptive qualitative with Focus Group Discussion interview techniques for UKM Student Voice, with the theory used perception theory.


2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Suaedy

The changes that occurred in the Jakarta 2012 election may be seen as a change in Indonesia's social movements and election tradition. They marked a social movement with special characteristics; specifically, a ‘partisan’ movement, led by the successful Jokowi–Ahok ticket. The partisan social movement also changed the tradition of money politics, which has always coloured general and local elections in Indonesia. This paper found four main factors in Jokowi–Ahok's victory. The first was their reputations and track records of leadership and consistency, which, secondly, encouraged unpaid volunteers to motivate the public to participate in the election and vote for the pair. Thirdly, in contrast to previous social movements in Indonesia, the volunteers did not just work to overthrow the current leadership and replace it, and then distance themselves, but instead continued to monitor the candidates; some managed government directly, while others took watch dog position. Fourthly, the relationship between volunteers and local government was not necessarily oppositional. As such, they were partisan not only in that they were supporters of a pair of candidates, but also in their promotion and support of openness, anti-corruption efforts and provision of maximum public services.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (184) ◽  
pp. 403-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Sander

This article argues that social movement research must be renewed by a historical-materialist perspective to be able to understand the emergence and effects of the relatively new climate justice movement in Germany. The previous research on NGOs and social movements in climate politics is presented and the recent development of the climate justice movement in Germany is illustrated. In a final step two cases of climate movement campaigns are explained by means of the historical-materialist movement analysis proposed by the author.


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