Policing the Environmental Conjuncture: Structural Violence in Mexico and the National Assembly of the Environmentally Affected

2019 ◽  
Vol 96 (96) ◽  
pp. 69-88
Author(s):  
Gabriela Méndez Cota
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Structural Violence ◽  
Legal Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Academic Communities ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Neoliberalism In Mexico

In this article, I contextualise the emergence and describe the political processes of a grassroots mobilisation against the structural violence of neoliberalism in Mexico in order to suggest the necessity of re-thinking conjunctural analysis in a posthegemonic direction. The National Assembly of the Environmentally Affected (ANAA) is a nationwide network of Mexican communities and organisations that has operated since 2008. ANAA's most notorious achievement has been the opening of a Mexican chapter at the Permanent People's Tribunal, the final verdict of which established the legal responsibility of the Mexican State for structural violence against the Mexican people. My account of ANAA's intervention in the Mexican conjuncture recuperates Stuart Hall's emphasis on complexity and singularity by narrating, through multiple critical voices, the cultural and political conjuncture in which some of the most environmentally affected groups of the Mexican population have been able to organise and strike alliances with critical academic communities or socially concerned scientists. In terms of theoretical elaboration, I reflect on the limits of conjunctural analysis as a response to the deeper crisis of representation – what I call a 'disjuncture' – that concerns the scale of socioenvironmental violence in neoliberal Mexico. In order to think beyond issues of cultural representation, I propose to inform a situated practice of environmentally affected cultural studies with the posthegemonic turn in Latin American thinking of the political.

The Role of the M.P. in Tanzania

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authority Relationships ◽  
New States ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
The Military ◽  
National Legislatures

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.

scholarly journals PROBLEMS OF PUBLIC GOVERNANCE IN UKRAINE: PUBLIC RESONANCE IN RELATION TO THE EFFECTIVENESS OF REFORMS

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (49) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Herasina
Keyword(s):  
Public Management ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Responsibility ◽  
Professional Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Body ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Processes

Problem of setting. Public government – it political practice of power which is carried out within the limits of the constitutionally political system and has a direct influence on all industries of life of socium is important. An effective public management in Ukraine must provide the state of stability, implementation of social obligations the states, deserving a condition for realization of congratulatory, financial, spiritual and social necessities of citizens; but him high-quality indexes far imperfect and characterized the plural of problems. Recent research and publications analysis. The questions of modernization and reforms of the system of state administration, constructions of the legal, social state, social and political processes are actively probed in the scientific mind of Ukraine, by the necessity of achievement of balance between the vital necessities of societies and interests of the state. Quite a bit Ukrainian scientists were engaged in researches of these questions - V. Kostytsky, І. Kostytska, O. Koban, A. Kovalenko, O. Batanov, I. Reznik, G. Chapala, M. Pukhtinskiy et al. Paper objective – ground of position, that a public management in Ukraine, which is carried out by public organs, local self-government, political parties and groups of political influence, must correlate with public resonance, to support the legitimity and answer to the innovative tendencies. Paper main body. A management in the public sphere of the state is very difficult professional activity, and foresees state and legal responsibility and account of public interests and expectations. However, disfunctions and destructions of public management can draw social and political instability, cutback of economic activity or regress, even weakening of sovereignty of the state. The criteria of political modernization matter very much for modern Ukraine: capacity of the political system for perception of innovations and mobilization of resources of power, structural and functional perfection of institutes of policy, powerful «social elevators» for equal access of people to imperious positions, effectiveness of principle of «equality all before a law». To Ukraine, as to the young state which passed by democratic transit, naturally peculiar strategy of reforms. Reformation is a not workaday situation for a country, it generates calls and problems. Among them most difficult is destructive of political power, what democratic development of country and becoming of civil institutes is braked through. Sociological researches rotined that a population considered: «The state must take more responsibility in providing of life of citizens» (68,6%). Stably negative is attitude of people toward a department judicial, which loses a «social capital» through inability to the just legal proceeding and mercenary political interests. In the end, unique reform 2014, that purchased positive social resonance is the process of decentralization the public power and strengthening of local self-government, which is mainly approved by citizens. Conclusions of the research. Problems of public management and collision of reforms are the sign of modern democracies which are modernized. The political system and public management can be effectively modernized at the maintainance of their integrity, institutional memory and, at the same time, harmonious relationships with a social environment.

Fascism and Dependency in Latin America in the Thinking of Theotônio dos Santos

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110591
Author(s):  
Maíra Machado Bichir
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
America Latina

The analysis of Theotônio dos Santos, a central reference of the Marxist theory of dependency, of the counterrevolutionary political processes in Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s, reflecting what he observes as an advance of fascistization, proposes the concept of a dependent fascism to characterize some of the military governments that materialized in the region. His writings on the subject are part of a wide range of debates that took place in Latin America during the 1970s, which focused on the context of political radicalization between revolution and counterrevolution, a tug-of-war that led to a consolidation of military coups. These writings express his position on both the political crisis that took place in Latin American countries at that time and the transformations of the political regime and the state itself. Efforts to renew these debates are anchored in the expectation that they may shed light on recent Latin American history. A análise de Theotônio dos Santos, referência central da teoria Marxista da dependência, sobre os processos políticos contrarrevolucionários na América Latina nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, ao observar um avanço da fascistização, propõe o conceito de fascismo dependente para caracterizar alguns dos governos militares que se concretizaram na região. Seus escritos sobre o tema se inscrevem em um amplo campo de debates que tiveram lugar na América Latina durante a década de 1970, os quais se debruçavam sobre o contexto de radicalização política entre revolução e contrarrevolução, no qual a consolidação de golpes militares estava imersa, e expressam o posicionamento do autor em relação tanto à crise política que teve lugar nos países latino-americanos naquele então, quanto às transformações do próprio regime político e do Estado. O esforço de recuperar tal debate está ancorado na expectativa de que tais reflexões possam lançar luz sobre a história recente latino-americana.

Where Venezuela Goes?

2010 ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Institutional Foundations

The article is an attempt to summarize the results of Hugo Chávez's ten year rule in Venezuela. There has been a comprehensive reorganization of the political system institutional foundations. The new constitution has been approved, which proclaimed the country a Bolivarian Republic in honor of the great Latin American liberation hero. The unicameral National Assembly has replaced the National Congress. The president can now be reelected without any restraints, his term of office has been prolonged from 5 to 6 years. Typical for the Chávez's course is the use of formally democratic mechanisms in order to ensure the authoritarian rule. Prosecution of opposition figures has become commonplace. The initially proclaimed intermediate political course has been dismissed, the new slogan is the construction of a “21st century socialism”.

Environmental Education in Brazil and the Influence of Paulo Freire

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Reigota
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Education ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Paulo Freire ◽  
Pedagogical Practices ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The World ◽  
Freirean Pedagogy

In Brazil and around the world, the ideas of Paulo Freire have impacted the field of environmental education, at least since the 1970s. It is possible to observe and associate the influence of Paulo Freire, when environmental education emphasizes the political dimension of any and all pedagogic activity, as he so emphatically stated. Another central aspect of Freirean influence relates in particular to the objective that environmental education should make “participation” possible, as advocated by the first documents produced and disseminated by UNESCO. Although the topic of environmentalism, in its best-known sense and definition of the protection of nature and natural resources, was not initially at the core of his pedagogical thinking, a strong concern with the theme can be seen traversing his work in the 1990s. In this sense, the international academic institutionalization of environmental education and the support that this pedagogic and political movement received after the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, was crucial for consolidation by means of public policies and projects elaborated by NGOs as well as by the theoretical production and curricular changes that took place in universities around the world, with different thematic priorities, theoretical and methodological focuses, and impact on the population and on the natural and social environment. Since 2009, especially in Brazil and other Latin American countries, dissertations and theses have leaned toward this production, identifying and analyzing the increase of Freirean pedagogy in connection with environmental education, defined as “the political education of citizens.” Political actions in everyday pedagogical practices for social and environmental justice, alongside various other rights (e.g., cultural), are urgent issues to address. The connections between environmental education and Freirean pedagogy have contemporized both, as they clarify the central arguments of Paulo Freire’s political and pedagogic thought, which reaffirmed throughout his extensive production that access to education is a universal right, and that it is by means of education (including the environmental dimension) that political processes for the construction of just, democratic, and sustainable societies are solidified.

Defending ““Our Beautiful Freedom””: State Formation and Local Autonomy in Oaxaca, 1930––1940

2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Smith
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Mexican State

This article looks at the process of state formation in Oaxaca during the 1930s. By comparing the political processes at the state level and in the Sierra Juarez, it is argued that both revisionist and Gramscian visions of the post-revolutionary Mexican state minimize the potential for local autonomy and political democracy. In the Sierra Juarez President Cardenas allowed young, progressive village democrats to form their own autonomous regional confederation and halt the political branch of the cargo system.

scholarly journals DEMOCRACIA V/S AUTORITARISMO EN LA POLÍTICA LATINOAMERICANA: Un viejo dilema político muy actual

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Gómez Leyton
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Cultural Conflicts ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
History Of ◽  
Siglo Xx

Uno de los conflictos sociales, políticos e históricos de más larga duración y persistentes en la historia política de las sociedades de Nuestra América, aun no resuelto, lo constituye el dilema entre las tendencias políticas democráticas y las tendencias políticas autoritarias. Las cuales se han desarrollado y se manifestado de diferentes formas y en distintos momentos al interior de estas sociedades. La instalación de las democracias transitivas neoliberales en la mayoría de los países durante la década de los años ochenta del siglo XX, hizo pensar que el autoritarismo había dejado de ser una amenaza para la democracia. Sin embargo, los diversos procesos políticos que hoy se observan y se desarrollan en el continente se encuentran atravesados por este viejo, pero siempre actual conflicto. De allí el renovado interés de las ciencias sociales por analizarlo. Hoy en día ya nadie discute que la conflictividad política, social y cultural entre las tendencias democráticas y autoritarias está de regreso. La presente ponencia tiene como objetivo central analizar dicho conflicto en la actualidad. ---DEMOCRACIA vs autoritarismo na política latino-americana: Um velho dilema político atualUm dos conflitos sociais, políticos e históricos mais longo e persistente na história política das sociedades da “Nuestra América”, ainda não resolvido, é o dilema entre as tendências políticas democráticas e as autoritárias. As quais se desenvolveram e manifestaram nestas sociedades de diferentes formas e em distintos momentos. A instalação de democracias transitivas neoliberais na maioria dos países durante a década dos oitenta do século XX, transpareceu que o autoritarismo deixava de ser uma ameaça para a democracia. Entretanto, os diversos processos políticos que se observam e desenvolvem hoje no continente se encontram atravessados por este velho, mas sempre atual, conflito. Hoje em dia pouco se discute sobre o regresso dos conflitos políticos,sociais e culturais entre as tendências democráticas e autoritárias. O objetivo do texto é analisar o conflito atualmente.Palavras-chave: autoritarismo, democracia e conflito político ---Democracy vs authoritarianism in Latin American politics: An old present political dilemmaOne of the longest and most persistent social, political and historical conflicts in the political history of "Nuestra America" societies, is the still unsolved dilemma between democratic and authoritarian political tendencies, and they were developed and expressed in these societies in different ways and at different times. The installation of transitive neoliberal democracies in most countries during the eighties showed that authoritarianism was no longer a threat to democracy. However, the various political processes that are being observed and develop today in the continent are crossed by this old but ever present conflict. Nowadays, little is discussed about the return of political, social and cultural conflicts between democratic and authoritarian tendencies. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the conflict today.Keywords: authoritarianism, democracy and political conflict

scholarly journals Borders of Solidarity: Life in Displacement in the Amazon Tri-Border Region

Refuge ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-54
Author(s):  
Carolina Moulin
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Border Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Multiple Perspectives ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Refugee Protection ◽  
Border Zones ◽  
Protection Mechanisms

In 2004, the representatives of Latin American countries, gathered in Mexico City, devised a multilateral Plan of Action (MPA) in order to foster an improvement on refugee protection mechanisms in the region. Among its many proposals, the document advanced the idea of borders of solidarity. The proposal calls attention to new forms of thinking about border zones and border lives and how different actors might dialogue to improve the reception, assistance, and protection of displaced groups in a region marked by deep social inequalities and political violence. This paper is an attempt to make sense of these assumed new modes of governance of borders, trying to elucidate multiple perspectives and mechanisms of dealing with life in displacement in border contexts. The paper follows the narratives stemming from national and international officials, NGO and assistance workers, and displaced families’ associations, in the context of the Tri-Border area between Brazil, Colombia, and Peru. The paper aims to unveil how each discourse deals with the (dis)connections between borders, displacement, and protection. I argue that perceptions of the role of borders, as both bridges and barriers, and as spaces of life, vary according to how each group appropriates and interferes in the political dialogue. Some focus on the management of mobility; others on the improvement of life conditions for marginal groups; still others try to interrupt the political processes that make such marginalization possible in the first place. I propose three varying understandings of solidarity that speak to each of these perspectives— managerial, faith-based, and autonomous—stressing the problems and also the positive aspects that might be learned from approaching borders through the lenses of solidarity.

Governing the City-State: Notes on the Politics of the Small Latin American Countries

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-346
Author(s):  
Roland H. Ebel
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Geographically Dispersed ◽  
The Developed Countries ◽  
City State ◽  
The Military

One of the fundamental difficulties in the study of Latin American politics by North American scholars has been the attempt to apply the political experience of the United States (and, to a lesser extent, that of the developed countries of Europe and Asia) to that region. In attempting to interpret Latin America’s political patterns and understand her political difficulties, emphasis has been placed historically on such visible features as the instability of national governments, the lack of adequate party systems, the dysfunctional role of the military, inadequate constitutions, hierarchic social structures and a variety of deficiencies in the region’s political culture. In proceeding along these lines, analysts have been working from the implicit, although I believe unconscious, assumption that the Latin American nation-state constitutes a large, geographically dispersed polity. Until recently there has been very little effort to even study the political processes of the Latin American city, much less attempt to understand national politics in light of the region’s peculiar urban culture.

scholarly journals Cuba and the United States in Democratic and Republican times: continuity or change?

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 25-38
Author(s):  
Jorge C. Llano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Dynamics ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Latin American Region ◽  
The U.S

For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.

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