(Post) Colonial Transnational Actors and Homeland Political Development: The Case of Surinam

2008 ◽  
pp. 249-268
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Transnational Actors

scholarly journals DEMOCRACY AND GLOBALIZATION WITH SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA: A PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVE

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Philosophical Perspective ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Developmental Problems ◽  
Global Democracy ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Political Governance ◽  
The Impact

This paper focuses on how African national leaders can make global democracy relevant to sustainable development in Africa. Seeing the problem of sustainable development in Africa from the structural and functional angles, this paper begins with an introduction and a clarification of terms such as ‘democracy’, ‘globalization’ and ‘development’. It then analyzes the underlying foundations of global democracy and its implications to cultures of the African peoples. This paper tries to place the impact of global democracy on Africa in perspectives by weighing the pros and cons of global democracy. Tracing the genesis of functional and developmental problems in the post-colonial Africa to structural problems occasioned by Africa’s colonial experience, this paper however strongly contends that the main problem militating against sustainable development in the post-colonial Africa is bad politics and mismanagement of national resources. African peoples need to be taught that some of the African national leaders are responsible for the bad condition of underdevelopment in the global period because of bad political governance ranging from the inability of African leaders to calculate all the relevant factors in the making of their policies as well as failing to provide effective technologies and competent staff to deal with rigging of elections and other electoral problems in addition to corruption and mismanagement of public funds. There is no way for the African nations to survive without production of goods and services in terms of farming, agriculture and diversification of their revenue base. National leaders of the various African nations cannot avoid policies that enable the industrialization of African nations through the provision of the basic infrastructures and viable amenities for social, economic, and political development. They should however be wary of debt traps of International Monetary Fund and World Bank because borrowing nations are often given difficult conditions that often make it difficult for them to obtain the desired benefits in terms of sustainable development. The study recommends that for sustainable development to take place in Africa there is need for national leaders to embrace good political governance that places the people at the centre of development to be manifested in guileless electoral process and effective management of the resources. This paper contends that the realization of sustainable development in African nations requires moral, political, and economic integration. It concludes with perspectives for further research on the issue.

Territoriality and Violent Conflicts in Tivland

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Jeremiah O. Arowosegbe
Keyword(s):  
Land Tenure ◽  
Political Development ◽  
North Central ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Agricultural Resources ◽  
Green Vegetation ◽  
Ethnographic Data ◽  
Agrarian Societies ◽  
Key Resources ◽  
Violent Conflicts

Although ethno-territorial struggles affect the manner in which political authority is constituted and legitimised throughout the world, their impact on the trajectories of power and the state in Africa have not received the attention deserved in the literature on political development and state building. In majoritarian agrarian societies, land tenure, just like the granting of usufruct rights to water, shapes economic and political dynamics. Conflicts over land and struggles over access to the key resources of agricultural production – fertile soils, green vegetation and water – are widespread throughout Africa and are likely to intensify in the light of ongoing climate change-induced production constraints. Drawing on archival and ethnographic data on the farmer-herder conflicts between Fulani pastoralists and Tiv agriculturalists in Tivland, north-central Nigeria, over land and water resources, this study establishes how the struggles over agricultural resources, governance and political power have shaped the violent transformations in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria.

2. Colonialism and Post-Colonial Development

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Chiriyankandath
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial Theory ◽  
The Impact

This chapter examines the impact of colonialism on post-colonial political development. It first provides an overview of the post-colonial world, noting how politics in developing countries are influenced by their pre-colonial heritage as well as colonial and post-colonial experiences. In particular, it considers post-colonial theory, which addresses the continuing impact that colonialism has on post-colonial development. The chapter proceeds by describing pre-colonial states and societies such as Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Australasia, where varying patterns of state formation influenced both the kind of colonization that they experienced and their post-colonial development. It also considers colonial patterns in the post-colonial world and the occurrence of decolonization before concluding with an assessment of the legacy of colonialism to post-colonial states.

scholarly journals The practice of social security in black Africa; a shadow of the real concept: The Cameroonian transcript

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 17-40
Author(s):  
Agbor Charles Nda
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Protection Scheme ◽  
Black Africa ◽  
Otto Von Bismarck

Social security is a corner stone for the socio-economic and even political development of many countries in the world today. Developed countries like Germany, Britain and many western countries have developed and made use of theories propounded by founders of the concept of social security like Otto von Bismarck and Lord Beveridge to develop their societies. But the unfortunate thing is that all along their stay in Africa, these colonial powers did not border to institute and impregnate Africans with the concept, thus, living Africans completely ignorant of the concept of social security. Studies have proven that the application of this concept in Africa, especially south of the Sahara is still a nightmare. Africans are unable to put into place a veritable social security scheme, yet most of them aspire to emerge by 2035. With the example of Cameroon, the causes of this failure are attributed to the colonial masters and poor governance in post-colonial Africa. As a remedy to this situation, results of this research demand that African governments must show prove of good governance and elaborate an inclusive social protection scheme. Besides, specialize United Nations agencies like the International Labour organization (ILO) and the Human Rights Commission must stand by these countries with their technical knowhow to help develop a meaningful social protection scheme in Africa. As an alert to those countries warming up for emergence, it is an illusion if the welfare of these people is not put at the center of every development action.

scholarly journals Literature, Global Terrorism, Politics and Media Literacy in Africa

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-85
Author(s):  
Azeez Akinwumi Sesan
Keyword(s):  
Media Literacy ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
African Politics ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
African Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Global Terrorism ◽  
African Writers

Three factors, specifically, slavery, Proselytization and Colonialism have influenced the history and politics of Africa. The tripartite relationship established among the three factors influences the historical development of African politics. Difference in worldview between the West and third world countries has increased the phenomenon of global terrorism. The paper examines how literary texts in Africa and by Africans have recorded and responded to the political history of the continent in relation with global democratic governance. African writers are therefore expected to project post colonial realities of global terrorism within the gamut of literature. On global terrorism, the paper raises the following questions: What constitutes terrorism and what is global terrorism in relation with media literacy? What are the strategies that can be put in place to check the menace of global terrorism? Terrorism is bifurcated into intra-continental and inter-continental types/forms with their peculiar implication for socio-political development in Africa. African writers should stop over-flogging colonial possession of Africa. They should rather focus on the social, national and continental history of Africa for sustainable democratic governance on the continent. The hermeneutics of social and political events as reflected in the African literary texts, African and global media texts shows that African political problems are multidimensional. Our intention in this paper is therefore to discuss Literature and African experience, media and media literacy, media practices and social responsibility theory as well as ( African) politics, Arab Spring and terrorism.

African Political Change and the Modernisation Process

1963 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Kilson
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Free Term ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Mind

This essay attempts to outline, and partially to expound, a conceptual framework for studying political change during the colonial and post-colonial periods.It should be noted at the outset that the term ‘political change’ is purposely used instead of such terms as ‘political development’ or ‘political progress’, with reference to nationalism, organised groups, administrative evolution, and so on, in developing areas. This is more nearly akin to the rather value-free term ‘social change’ used by sociologists and anthropologists ever since the 1920's.1 Basic alterations in political systems do not occur through a simple addition of new institutions, norms, and procedures; rather, the process of political change involves its own set of inter-related norms, institutions, and procedures. It may be that the term ‘political change’ may better evoke this image in the mind of students of politics, just as the term ‘social change’ seems to do for sociologists and anthropologists.

scholarly journals De grønlandske kvindeorganisationers rolle i den politiske udviklingsproces – set i et postkolonialt perspektiv

2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 95-117
Author(s):  
Kirsten Bransholm Pedersen ◽  
Najaaraq Paniula
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Social ◽  
Feminist Theories ◽  
Gender Constructions ◽  
Gender Images ◽  
Hunting Culture

Mange af de kvinder, der tog aktiv del i det kvindeorganisatoriske arbejde fra Nyordningen i 1950 og frem til Hjemmestyrets indførelse i 1979, sidder i dag på indflydelsesrige poster i Grønland, og har på forskellig måde været med til at præge den politiske og erhvervsmæssige udvikling. I dag synes det kvindeorganisatoriske arbejde at køre med noget lavere profil og er i høj grad koncentreret omkring bevarelse og videregivelse af de traditionelle kvinde-kvalifikationer i fangerkulturen. Kønsdiskussionen er delvist forstummet, selvom der er en række presserende problemer: Vold mod kvinder, kvinder tjener i gennemsnit en tredjedel mindre end mændene (Grønlands Statistik 2014), den sociale og økonomiske ulighed imellem kvinder er voksende. Artiklen samler op på de erfaringer og de styrkepositioner, kvinderne historisk har erhvervet sig i det kvinde-organisatoriske arbejde, og kommer ud fra et køns- og postkolonialt perspektiv, med nogle bud på, hvorfor kvindespørgsmålet og kvindeorganisering ikke står så højt på dagsordenen længere. I artiklen forfølges en forforståelse af, at der med den danske kolonialisering af Grønland igangsattes en moderniserings- og patriarkaliseringsproces, som gradvist skabte en radikal ny social organisering af samfundet, både på struktur- og hverdagslivsniveau, som ikke blot forandrede de sociale relationer imellem kønnene og imellem kvinder (og mænd) indbyrdes, men også fik naturaliseret den vestlige (patriarkalske) kønsdiskurs i en sådan grad, at mulige potentialer i en prækolonial kønsforståelse blev usynlige i den grønlandske udviklingsproces. Vi konkluderer, at der i det postkoloniale feministiske tankeunivers findes potentialer til igen at italesætte kønsrelationerne i Grønland og kommer med bud på, hvorledes indsigt i de præ- og postkoloniale grønlandske kønskonstruktioner kan bidrage til skabelse af nye fremtidsbilleder. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Kirsten Bransholm Pedersen and Najaaraq Paniula: The Role of the Greenlandic Women’s Organization in the Process of Political Development – From a Post-Colonial Perspective Today, many of the Greenlandic women who took an active part in the women’s movement from 1950, when it was new, until the introduction of Home Rule in 1979, occupy influential positions in Greenland. They have, in various ways, influenced political developments within the country. Today the women’s movement is running but has a somewhat lower profile, and is largely concentrated on the preservation of the traditional female skills in the former hunting culture. The gender discussion is partially silenced, although there are a number of urgent problems: violence against women, women earn on average a third less than men (Statistics Greenland 2014), and the social and economic inequality between women is growing. Employing a gender and postcolonial perspective, this article provides an overview of the experience and strengths women historically have gained through their participation in the women’s movement. Furthermore it puts forward some suggestions as to why women’s issues and women’s organization is almost absent on today’s agenda. The article is based on the preconception that the Danish colonization of Greenland initiated a process of modernization and patriarchalization which gradually created a radical new structural and social organization of society. The process not only changed the social relations between the sexes and among women (and men), but also got naturalized Western (patriarchal) gender discourse to such an extent that the potentials that could be found in a pre-colonial understanding of the relation between women and men became invisible in the Greenlandic development process. We conclude that the postcolonial feminist theories have the potential to re-articulate the discussion on gender in Greenland, and make suggestions concerning how insight into the pre- and post-colonial Greenlandic gender constructions can contribute to the creation of new possible gender images. Keywords: Greenland, women’s movement, post-colonial feminist theories, ”genderlessness”.

scholarly journals The political development in Sri Lanka after civil war ended: a critical review for after Zarb-e-Azb operation in Pakistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-56
Author(s):  
Taha Shabbir ◽  
Kehkashan Naz
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Sri Lankan ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Racial Origin ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Market Opportunities ◽  
Military Campaign

The Sri Lankan civil war began in 1983 and lasted until 2009. The tension stems from Sri Lanka's colonial period and subsequent post-colonial policies that harmed the Tamil people. Without viable alternatives, a part of the Tamil population resorted to the degree of brutality that precipitated a second civil war. Regional, domestic, and global attempts to bring the war to a halt have been futile, though some more local measures have been active. A ruthless military campaign brought the conflict to an end. However, nothing has been done in the aftermath of the war to try to resolve the civil war, including its roots. Sri Lanka's civil war exemplifies the uncertain existence of civil war resolution. With this in mind, the war's conclusion was unquestionably the product of a strategic triumph. However, the civil war should have ended; a unique constellation of structural, state, and national forces collaborated to allow for unrestricted military aggression. As long as the dominant forces, including the United States and significant European countries, understood that enough bloodshed had happened, the country's aggression could be brought to a stop. China and India, with India abstaining, voted to support the Sri Lankan government in its major offensive against insurgents. Internationally, the newly restored government used the full might of the forces against the rebels. As a consequence, those variables are deemed unusable in other situations. Tamil-Sinhala rivalry stretches all the way back to Sri Lanka's colonial period. The Tamil community took advantage of numerous market opportunities under British rule, which lasted from 1815 to 1948. Additionally, many group members attended school in colonial countries owing to a shortage of educational facilities in their home countries. With the exception of a few, the Sinhalese culture, on the other side, maintained its isolation from the British. As could be anticipated, the proportion of Tamils employing in the civil service, academia, and law increased dramatically following Sri Lanka's independence in 1948. Historically, the Sinhalese population has been hesitant to accept pluralism, having collaborated with the British to effect a shift of domination since the 1930s. When Sri Lanka's compulsory adult franchise was expanded to all citizens in 1931, there were no arrangements for minority rights. Tamil and Muslim community members shared discontent in the inconsistency with which their desires are pursued. T was dissatisfied with current political developments, and a large number of Tamils boycotted the elections conducted in compliance with this document. Also immediate liberty was abolished in 1947 by the Soulbury Constitution. The argument that no individual should be discriminated against on the grounds of racial origin or faith, though, proved to be a procedural impediment. Finally, in effect, it established a unitary and majoritarian state.

scholarly journals Medium and Credibility in the African Novel: The Novelistic Vision of G.D Nyamndi and Blessed A. Njume

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Andrew T. Ngeh
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
New Historicism ◽  
Educational Systems ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Creative Writers ◽  
Social Reference ◽  
Art For Art's Sake ◽  
The Military

The post-colonial African novelist is committed beyond his/her art to a statement of value. Thus he is not interested in art for art’s sake. This study distances itself from Dan S. Izevbaye’s 1971 position for a ‘suppressed social reference’ in literary discourse. The post-colonial novelist believes that he must be socially committed in order to be universally engaged. In his/her novelistic vision, he/she questions the very foundation of the independence of most African nations. There is a consensus amongst African creative writers that the independence of most African countries is a sham because independence means self-determination. George D. Nyamndi in his The Sins of Babi Yar (2012) and Blessed Ambang Njume in his In a Web (2016) set out to bring out the visionary role of a committed writer and his moral obligation to his society. Using the medium of effective communication, the two novelists highlight corruption and the abuse of power as banes to socio-political development in Cameroon in particular and Africa as a whole. Using new historicism and the concept of socialist realism to interpret, evaluate and analyse the two novels under study, the paper explores and highlights the moral responsibility of a committed novelist in post-colonial African society. In this light, this study submits that the law courts, the judiciary, the military, the church and the educational systems in post-independent Africa are conduits and mechanisms for the propagation of neocolonialism and imperialism. Rev. Father Aaron in a Web and Justice Dan Mowena in The Sins of Babi Yar provide clear justifications for these social ills.

scholarly journals The Vestiges of Colonial Constitutionalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 630-649
Author(s):  
Jane E. Cross
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
Commonwealth Caribbean

Post-colonial Caribbean constitutions have incorporated inherited political constructs. Using these legacies, Caribbean countries have struggled to adapt their constitutional components after independence. Notably, the pathways of post-colonial constitutions have distinct progressions in common law and civil law countries. In Commonwealth Caribbean countries, new nations adopted constitutions that incorporated the Westminster model. After decades of independence, these constitutions have remained relatively static even though there have been efforts to update and reform their outmoded features. In contrast, after independence, civil law countries have undergone numerous, significant modifications. Cuba provides a compelling example of how post-colonial constitutions have evolved due regime change and political ideology. In both legal systems, democratically reinforced political development remains an important vehicle for altering or eliminating the vestiges of colonial constitutionalism

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