Religious Soft Power and State Foreign Policies

Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 49-65
Author(s):  
Binod Khanda Timilsana

Soft power, according to Nye, is a particular power of attraction to a state based on the appeal of its culture, political values, and foreign policies (Nye Jr. 2004, p. 11, 2008, p. 96). In the changing paradigms of state powers from military strength, economic might, political power, technological competency to soft power endeavors, identification of own soft power is the process of measuring own strength. Hard power measures can be observed from out sides as well but soft power potentialities will not appear easily without systematic attempt to expose them in front of international actors. Hard power measurement is easy and more exact than soft power qualities. There are very limited academic attempts visible in identification of Nepal’s soft power. Great soft powers of the world are visible and measurable through soft power indices developed by different think tanks and research agencies. The soft power 30 and Global Soft Power Index are exemplary forums engaged in ranking states in terms of soft powers. Reputation, influence, political values, culture, foreign policies, enterprise, culture, digital, governance, engagements and education are the indicators of soft power. The newly explained taxonomy of soft power includes four subunits of soft power namely resources, instruments, receptions and outcomes. Buddhism is a powerful soft power resource of Nepal. Conflict resolution and peace process model of Nepal is another potential soft power. Culture, engagement in multilateral global and regional forum, natural beauty with the world is highest Mt. Everest, diasporic community of Nepal, social networks, public diplomacy and personal diplomacy are remarkable soft power properties of Nepal. Nonetheless, identification of Nepal’s soft power is in very preliminary phase.


Author(s):  
Nina Græger

Middle powers have played a key role in supporting global governance, a rules-based order, and human rights norms. Apart from conveying and effectuating global solidarity and responsibility, multilateral cooperation has been an arena where middle powers seek protection and leverage relatively modest power to greater effect, sometimes as “helpful fixers” to great powers. This article argues that geopolitical revival and the contestation of the liberal order are challenging middle powers' traditional sheltering policies, based on empirical evidence from the Norwegian case. First, the weakening of multilateral organizations is making middle powers more vulnerable to great power rivalry and geopolitics, and Norway's relationship with Russia is particularly pointed. Second, existing shelters such as NATO and bilateral cooperation with the US are negatively affected by the latter's anti-liberal foreign policies, making looser sheltering frameworks important supplements. While Norway's and other middle powers' traditional policies within the “soft power” belt may continue, “doing good” may become less prioritized, due to the need for security.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Avery

China’s soft power strategy has dominated the discourse on Chinese domestic and foreign policies both internally and externally. The subject has sparked interest within China to contribute to building a positive national image, while foreign analysts seek out ulterior motives, questioning the credibility of state-led soft power. This study will attempt to identify how China’s soft power is perceived and implemented by comparatively analyzing the extant data and literature on the subject. Through examining the various perceptions of soft power and how it is used by China, I aim to demonstrate that despite the myriad of research, soft power remains ambiguous in its embryonic stage and therefore should not be assessed without an aggregated measurement to operationalize soft power.


Author(s):  
O. B. Yanush ◽  

The article studies the Finno-Ugric "world", understood as a transfrontier language community and its actors. The author marks tendencies of unification in the Finno-Ugric community of the 1990s and a stage of «disin-tegration» in the 2000s. The study goal is to explain the ongoing processes in the context of the foreign poli-cy of several western countries engaged and ethnic fragmentation among the Russian Finno-Ugric peoples. For this purpose, the work describes the creation of the Finno-Ugric community, the institutional setting and the results of the World Congresses; the role of the Finno-Ugric “world” in the foreign policies of Western countries. Attention is paid to practices aimed at constructing a common Finno-Ugric identity, among which the initiative "Cultural Capitals of the Finno-Ugric World" is noted.The author concludes that the Finno-Ugric “world” is a symbolically constructed project that connects the divergent positions of a diverse circle of participants, typologically defined as “the glottogenesis communi-ty”, where symbolic and discursive principles prevail over material ones. Moreover, bilateral and multilateral interactions between “western” and “eastern” Finno-Ugric peoples in the culture, science and education are more likely projections of the “soft power” of Finland, Hungary and Estonia than aspirations to create a common Finno-Ugric space.


Author(s):  
Le Thi Hang Nga ◽  
Trieu Hong Quang

It is noticeable that India–Vietnam relations have remained stable and had signs of development despite the new challenges in the global and regional environment due to COVID-19 pandemic. The authors of this article are of the view that one of the factors that help maintain the stability and development of bilateral relations in the current context is public diplomacy. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, India has invested a huge amount of resources in public diplomacy to leverage India’s soft power. A dedicated public diplomacy division within the Ministry of External Affairs was set up in May 2006, many new schemes were designed to engage domestic and foreign public opinion and a series of high-profile dialogues with foreign think tanks were organised. By utilising both traditional and new approaches of public diplomacy, India is actively seeking new audiences within and outside India. India’s foreign policy-making process has become more open and democratic with the contribution of communities outside New Delhi political and diplomatic elite. New media has also been utilised to reach its various target audiences. Vietnam considers public diplomacy an important pillar of the comprehensive diplomacy of the country. Public diplomacy helps Vietnam succeed in implementing comprehensive and effective foreign policies. It contributes important part in building cooperative, peaceful and friendly relations between Vietnam and international partners. The importance that both India and Vietnam attach to public diplomacy has many implications for strengthening Vietnam–India relations in the current context. This article focuses on India and Vietnam public diplomacy as an instrument of strengthening bilateral relations and thereby proposes suggestions for both sides to enhance cooperation in the future.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rouba Al-Fattal

Canada and the European Union (EU) share, to a certain extent, a similar political culture, one based on multilateralism and the use of soft power. Nevertheless, over the past fifteen years Canada has been sometimes adopting disarmament policies that are similar to those of the EU and different from those of the US, while in other times it has been adopting policies that are similar to those of the US and different from those of the EU. This indicates that similarity in political culture alone is not sufficient enough to create convergence on foreign policies and that certain conditions must first be met for political culture to take precedence over neorealist explanations when dealing with security issues. Using Canadian, EU and US decisions on the issues of anti-personnel landmines and Iranian nuclear proliferation dilemma as case studies, this article analyses the conditions under which political culture plays a role in forming similar security policies.


Author(s):  
Hichem Kadri ◽  
El Fatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam

Undoubtedly, religion is one of the main factors that increasingly contribute to the shaping of international relations. As it was in the European middle ages, religion and geopolitics have always had ties of one sort or another. Imperialism and nationalist doctrines have found purpose and justification in religious differences and, religious zealotry was functioned to be both cause and consequence of the concentration of state power and the rivalries among existing competitors. The involvement of numerous religious groups and movements in the political scene led the situation to be extremely complicated. The purpose of this article is to see to what extent religion as a soft power has a role in forming international politics. Also, to discuss the role the superpowers and regional powers play in dealing with the question of religious issues. With an argument that these issues including religious conflicts are led by international and regional powers which function these groups in a proxy war to be part of their rivalry overpower, and to achieve their national interests through their foreign policies at the cost of considerable environmental degradation and a massive death toll of people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 134-146
Author(s):  
Ieva Meilutė ◽  
Virginija Jurėnienė

The 21st century theatre is open to new ideas, new findings and presentation of own works to the consumer on not only the national, but also international level. This stands for communication and cooperation with the consumer and organisations. Theatre tours abroad are one of the forms of intercultural cooperation among organisations and consumers. The article analyses the peculiarities of organising theatre tours, its benefit and levels of cooperation. The study includes an analysis of organising national and commercial theatre tours on an international level which allows concluding that intercultural cooperation can occur on the following three levels: interpersonal (micro), interinstitutional (macro) and international (mezzo). The study reveals another new – mixed – level; however, a new mediating element can be seen in cooperation on micro or macro levels. Both types of theatre (state and non-state) see evident benefit of international tours for the theatre, the troupe and the country. A country can use this as a means of soft power in its foreign policies.


2016 ◽  
pp. 901-915
Author(s):  
Vasko Sutarov

Public and cultural diplomacy are concepts of foreign policies of almost all modern states. As concepts and practices they were especially important during the Cold War, albeit in diplomatic practice there have been some tendencies of communication for international relations and creating a foreign public perception, since the very beginning of the diplomacy. Due to the sophisticated modus operandi and unsuspected results in the creation of permanent partnership-friendly relations with foreign countries, this segment of diplomacy is known as a soft power in diplomatic practice. From the most prominent actors on the global political map to the world?s most prestigious universities, public and cultural diplomacy become attractive and challenging objects of interest. In our region, despite the examples of good diplomatic practice, debates and exchange of experiences on these issues are very rare.


Author(s):  
Natalia V. Kuznetsova ◽  

Introduction. The sacred nature of power is one of the main features of the empire. Since ancient times in the Chinese state the sacralization of power is presented in the religious-philosophical doctrine of the Emperor as the Son of Heaven who rules the Celestial Empire. This doctrine differs from the Sinocentrism conception in its understanding of the nature of power. Goals. The present paper examines foreign policy of the Qing Empire towards the Dzungar state and the Kazakhs with due regard of the manifestation of the sacred nature of power in foreign policies conducted by the Chinese government. The article also addresses the issue of the number of Oirats slaughtered by the Qing Empire. Materials. The research analyzes scientific works on the history of the Qing Empire, Chinese-Kazakh, Chinese-Oirat, Kazakh-Oirat relations, as well as published Chinese sources. Results. The paper shows that the sacral nature of power in the Qing Empire manifested itself in foreign policy as well. The rulers of the Dzungar state and Kazakh clans became nominal subjects of the Empire without coercion from the Chinese side. And this fact did not oblige them to become real subjects, tributaries. There was a ritual interaction that was beneficial for both sides. If a non-Chinese ruler became a nominal subject of Bogdykhan, the Empire showed soft power in relation to his people. Even in the case of a deliberate violation of its decrees, which happened in the episode of Sino-Kazakh relations under consideration. When the ruler stopped the established interaction and began to contradict the Emperor, the Empire sought to destroy him, like the case with Galdan Boshogtu Khan and his successors.


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