scholarly journals Muslim Leadership and the Challenge of Reconciling the Religious with the Secular

2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. i-iv
Author(s):  
Louay Safi

The "return to religion" is a worldwide reality shared equally by the fol­lowers of different religions. Now that secularism, as a social ideology, has failed to provide a moral foundation for modern society, religion is reassert­ing its authority in all cultures. Intellectuals and religious leaders are increasingly rethinking the place of religion in modern society. Nowhere is the challenge of reconciling the religious and the secular more intense than in Muslim societies. Unlike western societies, Muslim cultures have experienced secularism not as a structure designed to prevent the imposition of one religious tradition on another, but as modern faith promoted by many political leaders eager to offer an alternative to religion. For many years, Muslim secularists looked at religion with contempt and tried to use their political authority and commanding social positions to undermine religion and religious sentiment. Most recently, however, secu­lar leaders have had to step back from their anti-religion posture in the face of the rising tide of religion in Muslim societies. Still, secularism and the secular state are widely associated with corruption, intolerance, and author­itarianism because of the archaic and bankrupt manners by which the self­proclaimed prophets of secularism in the Muslim world have exercised their power. But while secularist excesses have led to its retreat before a newly founded religious spirit in the Muslim world, the new religiosity, in its effort to compensate for secularist extremism, is in danger of committing its own excesses. Finding a creative space between the stagnant tradition­alist outlook and the dogmatic and power-prone attitude of many Muslim ...

Author(s):  
Dr. Ahmad Raza ◽  
Dr. Hidayat Khan

Corruption is a dishonest or illegal behavior especially by powerful people such as government officials or police officers. [i]Corruption is a distraction to the face of society, and society has become a victim of recent misery. Every other person in our society is suffering from this disease. Political leaders, religious leaders, teachers, judges, employees, businessmen and the masses are suffering from this disease. While it is true to some extent that some political leaders have set records of corruption, it is not right to put it on the politicians alone. Corruption has reached its peak in every sector and institution here. Due to corruption, the wealth of the particular classes is increasing day by day and there is no one to hold them accountable. In such a dire situation, the oppressed and the masses are being humiliated in the oppression mill. Therefore, this curse should be abolished by Pakistani society and individuals should play their full role in the society as a whole. The key question is: What are the pros and cons of corruption in Pakistan and how is it possible for stability in the light of Islamic teachings to end corruption? Recommendations have also been compiled at the conclusion of the dissertation.


Author(s):  
S. Ayse Kadayifci-Orellana

This chapter argues that effective peacebuilding strategies in Muslim contexts should engage Islamic conceptions of peace and justice, and work together with credible agents of peace, including religious leaders. It elaborates on Islamic principles of peace and focuses on religious actors as important agents of change in Islamic contexts. Muslim religious actors often have more legitimacy than secular peacebuilders in their communities; local communities respect them as religious leaders who know their religious tradition and history well. The chapter also discusses various challenges practitioners face. Finally, it explores ways to empower agents of peace to respond to these challenges constructively within their unique historical, social, and political contexts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
DAVID JACKMAN ◽  
MATHILDE MAÎTROT

Abstract The authority of political leaders in Bangladesh rests on diverse qualities, not least of which are the muscle and finance they can mobilize, and the relationships they can craft with senior party members. These are utilized to confront rivals both within and outside their own party. In some instances, the intensity of intra-party competition can be so severe that a further quality emerges: the capacity to find allies among enemies. Building local inter-party alliances can bolster the authority of politicians, yet be to the detriment of party coherence. This argument is developed through an analysis of mayoral and parliamentary elections held in the past decade in a small Bangladeshi city, where a ruling party member of parliament (MP) and opposition mayor appear to have developed such a relationship. This has thwarted the electoral ambitions of their fellow party members and has posed a serious challenge to party discipline. While political competition is often seen as being either inter- or intra-party, here it is focused around inter-party alliances. This portrayal suggests we need to give greater emphasis to the decentralized and local character that political authority can take in Bangladesh.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gubara Hassan

The Western originators of the multi-disciplinary social sciences and their successors, including most major Western social intellectuals, excluded religion as an explanation for the world and its affairs. They held that religion had no role to play in modern society or in rational elucidations for the way world politics or/and relations work. Expectedly, they also focused most of their studies on the West, where religion’s effect was least apparent and argued that its influence in the non-West was a primitive residue that would vanish with its modernization, the Muslim world in particular. Paradoxically, modernity has caused a resurgence or a revival of religion, including Islam. As an alternative approach to this Western-centric stance and while focusing on Islam, the paper argues that religion is not a thing of the past and that Islam has its visions of international relations between Muslim and non-Muslim states or abodes: peace, war, truce or treaty, and preaching (da’wah).


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-369
Author(s):  
Anna-Sophie Schönfelder

Abstract Hannah Arendt suggests the pivotal problems of modern society to be man’s susceptibility to ideological patterns of thought and behaviour and the compulsion under which he performs labour. Her depiction of these phenomena can however be seen as rather one-dimensional. Since the redemptive concept of politics which she proposes as a kind of worldly realm for unconstrained human relationships, is based upon her fragile analyses of ideology and labour, this concept’s persuasive power is limited. Arendt’s striking powers of observation are more effective in areas where social domination is taken to the extreme, whereas in the face of basic social constraints she seems to be perplexed.


Author(s):  
Walter C. Ihejirika

In many African countries, since the nineties, there is a subtle contest going on between religious and political leaders. At the heart of this contest is what Rosalind Hackett described as the redefinition of the categories of power and status, which cease to be primarily tied to material wealth or political connection, but rather to spiritual authority and revelation. This is a struggle for the hegemonic control of the society in the Gramscian sense of the term. While political leaders may use the coercive arms of the state – military might as well as their control of the financial resources of the state to impose their authority, religious leaders on the other hand assume the posture of moral icons, personalities endowed with superior knowledge based on divine revelation. As these contestations are played out in the public sphere, the way the leaders are able to portray themselves to their public will determine their followership. This explains the importance of mediation in the process of politico-religious contestations. In the eyes of the public, political leaders have the physical or raw power - the Italian concept of autorita; while the religious leaders have the moral power - autorevolezza. This paper uses these concepts as metaphors to present a general explanation of how the contestation between religious and political leaders plays out in the public sphere of the new media


1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 501-521
Author(s):  
R. P. Carroll

The task of interpreting the Bible has two main phases— the understanding of the text and the transformation or making relevant of its meaning for modern readers. The steady decline of monolithic religious structures and the growth of pluralism in modern society have produced multivariant forms of intellectual activity embracing the Bible as part of their subject matter. Thus the Bible is embedded in the given of European culture and functions as part of the hermeneutical processes of Jewish, Christian, Muslim and secular traditions. The quest for understanding may be common to all the traditions but the task of transformation can take one of two forms. From within the religious tradition transformation is the attempt to reinterpret the text so as to make it meaningful in contemporary terms but always controlled by the tradition. This form may simply be termed transformation from within or controlled transformation. The alternative form is transformation without limits or control. In this form fidelity to a tradition is not paramount and the real concern is to see how far the material may be transformed so as to constitute an independent entity itself.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bar Kribus

The Betä Isra'el (Ethiopian Jews) have a unique history and religious tradition, one of the most fascinating aspects of which are the mäloksocc, commonly referred to as monks in scholarly and popular literature. The mäloksocc served as the supreme religious leaders of the Betä Isra'el and were charged with educating and initiating Betä Isra'el priests. They lived in separate compounds and observed severe purity laws prohibiting physical contact with the laity. Thus, they are the only known example in medieval and modern Jewry of ascetic communities withdrawing from the secular world and devoting themselves fully to religious life. This book presents the results of the first comprehensive research ever conducted on the way of life and material culture of the ascetic religious communities of the Betä Isra'el. A major part of this research is an archaeological survey, during which these religious centres were located and documented in detail for the first time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-346
Author(s):  
Sam Wong ◽  
Brian Wong

Abstract Analysis of the writings of Kuang Qizhao and other Chinese self-strengtheners suggests that their emphasis on promoting education before democracy and continuing to endorse classical Confucianism were not signs of a retrograde kind of conservatism, but an entirely rational decision based on the actual experiences of late Qing observers of 19th Century American democracy. Observing the U.S. Congress’s passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, Chinese officials observed the real dangers of demagogue led populism without an educated, moral citizenry and the apparent importance of Christianity to creating the moral foundation for an effective modern society. For Kuang, Confucianism was equivalent to Christianity to establish that moral basis, and not a conservative desire to preserve the old social order. Kuang would pass on his thoughts to some of China’s most important reformers and officials on his return home, suggesting he and the officials he associated with had a more realistic and sophisticated understanding of American society and democracy than is currently assumed.


Author(s):  
Craig Browne ◽  
Andrew P. Lynch

This chapter explores the implications of Taylor’s analysis of romanticism’s influence on modernity and the tension, in his opinion, between modernity’s dominant emphasis on instrumental rationality and romanticism’s ideals, like expression, creativity and community. Taylor wants to show, we argue, the extent to which the strains of modern society derive from this tension and how romanticism’s ideals have influenced modern political movements, particularly nationalism. In particular, Taylor’s own critical diagnoses of the ‘malaise of modernity’ are influenced by romanticism, as is evident from his observations on the fragility of social bonds in the face of industrial and technological advancement, as well as in his comments on contemporary culture’s potential loss of meaning and significance. These experiences of alienation are the other side, so to speak, of the modern ethic of authenticity, which has resulted in the widespread concern with self-realisation. Taylor argues that romantic authors, especially Humboldt and Herder, developed an expressivist theory of language, a holistic conception of liberal freedoms, and were among the first to appreciate the importance of a community’s political culture to modern freedoms. Taylor is shown to be able to claim on this basis that the debate between liberalism and communitarians has been at cross-purposes.


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