scholarly journals Mereposisi Hubungan Agama dan Negara di Indonesia dalam Perspektif Iman Kristen

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Osian Orjumi Moru
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Research Literature ◽  
The State ◽  
Empirical Reality ◽  
National Values ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Common Vision

The relationship between religion and state must be seen in terms of constructive and contextual relations. This means that the relationship between religion and the state is built on the basis of a common vision to create complete human life. This article is qualitative research literature using a descriptive analysis method about the political and national situation in Indonesia as a context for finding the relationship between religion and the state. Religion and the state are both servants of God in bringing prosperity and justice to all humanity. This framework of thinking has logical consequences in repositioning the relationship between religion and the state in a more inductive form based on historical facts and social realities of society. In the end, placing Pancasila as an empirical reality of Indonesian society was formed in the process of the nation's history. Pancasila was formed as an effort based on the common awareness of all components of the nation to harmonize religious values and national values that are different in the Indonesian-Indonesian framework. Abstrak Hubungan antara agama dan negara harus dilihat dalam kerangka hubungan yang konstruktif dan kontekstual. Hal ini berarti hubungan antara agama dan negara dibangun berdasarkan pada kesamaan visi untuk menciptakan kehidupan manusia yang seutuhnya. Artikel ini merupakan sebuah penelitian kualitatif literatur dengan menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif tentang keadaan politik dan nasional Indonesia sebagai konteks untuk mencari hubungan antara agama dan negara. Agama dan negara adalah sama-sama hamba Tuhan dalam mewujudkan kesejahteraan dan keadilan atas seluruh umat manusia. Kerangka berpikir tersebut membawa konsekuensi logis dalam mereposisi hubungan antara agama dan negara ke dalam bentuk yang lebih induktif berdasarkan fakta sejarah dan realita sosial masyarakat. Pada akhirnya menempatkan Pancasila sebagai suatu realita empiris masyarakat Indonesia yang dibentuk dalam proses perjalanan sejarah bangsa. Pancasila dibentuk sebagai upaya berdasarkan kesadaran bersama seluruh komponen bangsa untuk mengharmonisasikan nilai-nilai agama dan nilai-nilai kebangsaan yang berbeda-beda dalam kerangka keindonesiaan.

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

Killing through negligence and its distinction with other kinds of murder

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Myslivyy ◽  
Angelina Mykyta
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Criminal Liability ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
The State ◽  
Sufficient Information ◽  
Main Body ◽  
Common Features ◽  
Criminal Offenses ◽  
The Common

Problem setting. According to Art. 27 of the Constitution of Ukraine, everyone has an inalienable right to life, no one can be arbitrarily deprived of life, and the state, in turn, is obliged to protect human life. Protection of a person’s life, as a duty of the state, is manifested in the establishment of criminal liability, enshrined in Section II “Criminal offenses against life and health of a person” of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, who commit socially dangerous acts. whether there are criminal offenses and what punishments they should be committed. The distinction between crimes such as premeditated murder and negligent deprivation of another’s life is important, as criminal law theory still does not have sufficient information on this issue and does not have a complete list of features of the above crimes, but we tried to identify them in our article. Target of research. Deepening their knowledge on the caution of a person’s life due to inconsistency and drawing the line between possible offenses and conditional authority, clarifying the special characteristics of the perpetrator and the victim, outlining the essential features of the perpetrator and the victim, and researching the regulation of negligent proposal of a new version of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The theoretical basis for the study of the problem of murder through negligence are the works of legal scholars, in particular, M. Bazhanov, V. Borisov, S. Borodin, V. Glushkov, O. Gorokhovskaya, I. Zinchenko , V. Tyutyugin, O. Us, E. Kisilyuk, V. Kuts, M. Yefimov, S. Likhova, V. Stashis, V. Shablisty and others. Article’s main body. According to Art. 3 of the Constitution of Ukraine, man, his life and health, honor and dignity, inviolability and security are recognized in Ukraine as the highest social value. Given this constitutional provision, the legislator should pay special attention to the criminal law protection of human life and health as the most important public relations. So it is no coincidence that considering such encroachments as one of the most dangerous in the criminal law dimension, the legislator established criminal liability for their commission in Section II “Criminal offenses against life and health” of the Special Part of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Due to the high public danger and the high prevalence of criminal offenses against human life and health, criminal law theory and law enforcement practice are under increasing scrutiny. Thus, the analysis of judicial practice in recent years shows that, for example, among all murders (Articles 117-119 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine) the number of persons convicted of deprivation of life due to negligence is about 15 percent annually. In our opinion, it is also advisable to analyze the concept of “murder” by comparing the common and distinctive features of the offenses referred to in Art. Art. 115 and 119 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. According to scientific results, we can conclude that these offenses have many common features. It is possible to understand the common features and preconditions for the spread of these types of offenses. Conclusions and prospects for the development. A study of issues related to the criminal law analysis of murder through negligence and its difference from other types of murder, shows that these acts encroach on the identical object, which is “human life as a set of social relations.” Unfortunately, nowadays the dynamics of offenses committed in Art. Art. 115 and 119 is intensifying, so consideration of their delimitation and characterization of their features is very important. The study examines the main features of these types of crimes, as well as analyzes some provisions of national law and proposes some adjustments to them.

An Examination of the Importance of Strain in the Cannabis Gateway Effect

2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (11) ◽  
pp. 3603-3617 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. McCutcheon ◽  
Stephen J. Watts
Keyword(s):  
Illicit Drugs ◽  
Research Literature ◽  
Cannabis Use ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Adult Health ◽  
National Longitudinal Study ◽  
Gateway Theory ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Relationship

Gateway theory has been the source of much debate in both the research literature and public policy. Support for gateway sequencing has been mixed, especially in research that has considered the role of criminological variables in the etiology of substance use. For example, limited prior research has observed as important in gateway sequencing the effects of severe stressors. Data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health are utilized to test gateway theory and examine whether severe stressors affect the relationship between frequency of cannabis use and later use of other illicit drugs (OIDs). Findings suggest that while frequency of cannabis use does increase the likelihood of later use of OIDs, this relationship may be the result of the common cause of experiencing severe stress. Implications of the findings are discussed.

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

The Potential of Community Development

2019 ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
Marilyn Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Community Development ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Common ◽  
Mediating Factor ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Distinct Approach ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Common World

Community development offers a distinct approach to respond to the problem of diminishing free spaces where citizens can exchange views and learn about democracy and citizenship. It involves citizens as co-creators of the common world rather than as consumers. It has been supported by governments in different countries as a way of defusing tensions within communities, addressing the crisis of political legitimacy, encouraging citizen responsibility, as well as co-producing services with the state. This chapter tracks the ways in which community development has played these different roles over time and the implications for the relationship between state and citizen. It reviews its changing relationship with the state, and the critiques generated by different approaches and programmes. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges it faces in seeking to deepen democracy and foster creative citizenship, in the face of recurring attempts to shrink the state and leave the market as the principal mediating factor in society.

scholarly journals From Anarchism to State Funding

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-631
Author(s):  
Jessica Wardhaugh
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Fin De Siecle ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Common Concern ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
Bourgeois Culture ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract In 1896 Louis Lumet despised the state and openly yearned for a “red messiah” to sweep away bourgeois culture and politics. By 1904 he was receiving state funding. This article unravels the paradox of his trajectory by focusing on the common concern that eventually united his interests with those of republican governments: the relationship between art and the people. Drawing on hitherto unknown writings by Lumet himself, as well as on little-used archives, the article explores Lumet's anarchist persona and connections in fin de siècle Paris, charts his involvement in the Théâtre d'Art Social and the Théâtre Civique, and examines his role in the state-supported Art pour Tous. The final discussion reveals areas of conflict and convergence in the perception of the people as political actors by both anarchists and the state, raising questions about the theory and practice of cultural democratization. En 1896, Louis Lumet souhaitait l'effondrement de l'Etat et l'apparition d'un Messie rouge qui balaierait et la culture et la politique bourgeoises. En 1904, il était subventionné par l'Etat. Cet article dévoile le mystère de ce personnage en interrogeant la relation entre l'art et le peuple qui attirait l'attention de Lumet ainsi que des gouvernements de la Troisième République. En s'appuyant sur les écrits peu connus de Lumet lui-même, ainsi que sur des documents d'archives, l'article met en évidence le rôle de Lumet dans les milieux anarchistes. Il retrace sa contribution aux initiatives comme le Théâtre d'art social et le Théâtre civique, et sa participation à l'Art pour tous (avec le soutien de l'Etat). Cette étude fournit la base d'une discussion plus approfondie sur la démocratisation culturelle, où les perspectives anarchistes et officielles se trouvent parfois étrangement rapprochées.

scholarly journals Relasi Agama dan Negara dalam Gerakan Keagamaan Baru: Studi Kasus Komunitas Here Krisna Yogyakarta

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Budi Nurhamidin ◽  
Arifin Kusuma Wardani
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Politics ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
National Life ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Spiritual Movement ◽  
The Relationship

<pre><em>This study aims to see and analyze the relationship between religion and the state towards the Here Krisna sect as a spiritual movement found in Hinduism. This research uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The problem in this study is whether there is a religious politics that occurs in Hinduism and how the relationship between religion and the state. In this regard, the points that will be elaborated by researchers include the background of the emergence of Here Krishna, the teachings conveyed, the vision of transformation, religious politics, and the relationship between religion and the state. The research results obtained that the emergence of the Here Krina stream does not become a problem for the PHDI because its existence does not make people uneasy about Hindus in general, as well as the relationship between religion and state philosophically the first precepts that read the Almighty God is based as a philosophical basis for national life and state. From the results of this study it can be understood that the Here Krisna stream can exist because it is based on Hinduism, which is an official religion and its social norms do not interfere with social life and its teachings do not conflict with the ideology of the nation as the basis of the state.</em><em></em></pre>

scholarly journals NASIONALISME EKONOMI DI INDONESIA (Prespektif Ekonomi Islam dalam Al-Qur’an dan Hadis)

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-258
Author(s):  
Ifdholul Maghfur ◽  
Moh. Mukhsinin Syu’aibi
Keyword(s):  
Social System ◽  
Human Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Nationalism ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Strong Belief ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Religious Aspect ◽  
Sociological Aspect

Economic nationalism in the perspective of Islam for its adherents not only becomes religion and state in the sense of Western studies but it is also a system that encompasses all aspects of human life in the sphere of the state and nation. In his book, Marcel Boisard considers that the universality of Islam as a religion and social system can be proven in five aspects: the metaphysical aspect, the religious aspect, the sociological aspect, the economic aspect and the political aspect. Nationalism or belief in one's own product as a faith in the Essence of God as outlined in a very strong belief, Islam is a universal ideology that cannot be equated with any ideology and religion

scholarly journals Probematika Agama dan Negara: Perspektif Sejarah

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-91
Author(s):  
Zakiya Darajat
Keyword(s):  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Values ◽  
First Principle ◽  
Symbiotic Mutualism ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The One ◽  
Public Reaction ◽  
The Relationship

Discourse on the relationship between religion and state seems to be a discourse that never ends to be discussed. The emergence of a statement of President Jokowi on March 24, 2017 which discourse the separation between religion and politics immediately launched a public reaction. Some agreed, but many also criticized. For those who agree with the statement Jokowi reasoned that religion is often used as a politician tool that has the potential to divide the nation. But for those who reject Jokowi's statements argue that the separation of religion from the state is the same as denying the basis and philosophy of the state which has historically been extracted from the values of the religiosity of the Indonesian nation itself. Using historical, sociological and political approaches, this article intends to analyze how discourses on the relation between religion and state taking place in Indonesia in the historical perspective, as well as the problems it causes. This paper proves that although experiencing ups and downs, judging from the historical geneologi, the life of the nation and the state of Indonesia can not be separated from the values of religiosity. Both are always symbiotic mutualism. Putting the Godhead of the One Supreme God as the first principle in Pancasila, is in fact an acknowledgment of the importance of religious values in the life of the nation and the state.---Diskursus tentang relasi antara agama dan negara seolah menjadi wacana yang tak pernah usai untuk dibahas. Munculnya statemen Presiden Jokowi pada 24 Maret 2017 yang mewacanakan pemisahan antara agama dan politik segera menyeruakkan reaksi publik. Ada yang mengiyakan, tapi banyak juga yang mengecam. Bagi yang setuju dengan statemen Jokowi beralasan bahwa agama sering kali dijadikan sebagai alat politisasi yang berpotensi memecah belah bangsa. Namun bagi mereka yang menolak statemen Jokowi berargumentasi bahwa upaya pemisahan agama dari negara sama halnya dengan mengingkari dasar dan falsafah negara yang secara historis justru digali dari nilai-nilai religiusitas bangsa Indonesia itu sendiri. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah, sosiologis dan politik, artikel ini bermaksud menganalisis bagaimana diskursus tentang relasi antara agama dan negara yang terjadi di Indonesia dalam perspektif sejarah, serta problematika yang ditimbulkannya. Tulisan ini membuktikan bahwa meskipun mengalami pasang surut, dilihat dari geneologi kesejarahan, kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara Indonesia tidak bisa dilepaskan dari nilai-nilai religiusitas. Keduanya senantiasa bersimbiosis mutualisme. Diletakkannya Sila Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa sebagai sila pertama dalam Pancasila, sejatinya merupakan  sebuah pengakuan akan pentingnya nilai-nilai religiusitas dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara.

The lives of subjects

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Ontological Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter discusses the relationship of the state to its subjects as necessarily physically embodied beings. The primary way in which the commonwealth commands its subjects is through the medium of its law. The law is for the common good and obliges the community as a whole, and thus the ontological status of the law—as distinct from any particular command of a superior to an individual—is intimately tied to that of the body politic. The question, then, concerning the relationship of the state to the natural body of the individual can be framed in terms of the extent of the obligation of the civil law.

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