scholarly journals The Political Communications of Khofifah Indar Parawansa to Obtain Support of The Golkar Party, The Democrat Party, and Nahdlatul Ulama Figures in the 2018 East Java Governor Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 364-375
Author(s):  
Ahmad Tamrin Sikumbang ◽  
Syukur Kholil ◽  
Ramdeswati Pohan

Identity politics is often seen as preventing a woman from becoming a leader. In fact, the potential for leadership is a gift from God that must be managed wisely, responsibly, and full of trust. In the Qur'an sura Al Baqarah verse 228 Allah SWT gives His signal that women have equal rights with men in all matters including leadership. Twice failed in the East Java Governor Election did not stop Khofifah Indar Parawansa's determination to return to participate in the for the third time. This study has the aim of knowing the political communication efforts carried out by Khofifah Indar Parawansa in gaining the support of the Golkar Political Party and the Democratic Party as well as NU figures so that they win the 2018 East Java Governor election. The research method used in this study is to use qualitative analysis with a phenomenological approach that uses a phenomenological approach. Relies on data collection, including interviewing key informants and several other key informants, as well as conducting in-depth analysis of a series of studies. The results of this study conclude that the political communication process of Khofifah Indar Parawansa before becoming the Governor of East Java for the 2018-2023 period, the main thing is to build intensive political communication to the Kiai Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) as informal figures who are influential in East Java. Through the role of the NU (Nahdliyin) East Java clerics, strategies and patterns of political communication were developed with local political figures from major political parties to win the 2018 East Java Governor election contestation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy Zalfiana Rusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy ZalfianaRusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-14
Author(s):  
Yusa Djuyandi ◽  
Marginata Kurnia Putra .

At this time the image of political parties in Indonesia deteriorated because of various problems afflict their cadres in the Parliament and the executive. In order to increase the public's trust, many political parties begin to perform activities of political communication. This research is aimed to discuss and analyze the political communication held by political parties in the election of 2014. In order to analyze the political communication process conducted by the political parties, researchers using the theory of political communication with the indicator: sources (political communicator), political messages, media or political channels, influence or effect of political communication. The method used is qualitative, with primary data sources such as interviews and observations, as well as secondary data such as photo documentation and source literature obtained from other sources. From the research that has been made known that the political parties use the sources of political communication in the form of print media, electronic, outdoor media, and public communication channel group. Associated with the delivery of a political message, that the political parties use multiple channel messages, both textual and non-verbal, where all of the message channel associated with the media or political channels that are used by political parties, namely the print and electronic media. The results of this study also showed that the influence of political communication has been done by the political parties through the mass media are not always able to influence the attitudes or perceptions of society, because it needs to be seen also from the other side that is the perspective and needs of the community. From the results can be concluded that political communication conducted by political parties through a variety of media is no longer always have a dominant effect because audiences are active and independent.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Sa’diyah El Adawiyah ◽  
Aida Vitayala Hubeis ◽  
Titik Sumarti ◽  
Djoko Susanto

ABSTRACT                 Direct elections open opportunities for various layers of society, especially women, to color the direction of local democracy. The presence of women as regional heads is one strategy for the birth of a more gender-equitable policy. The efforts of women to achieve political leadership in the regions are not easy. Many factors influence women in gaining regional leadership. Therefore it is important and relevant to examine how the political communication process that women build in achieving regional leadership. The aim of the study was to identify and analyze the role of regional leaders as political communicators in local politics, and to identify the media and political communication channels used by regional leaders in gaining regional leadership. In addition, it is to formulate a political communication strategy for regional leaders in gaining regional leadership. The methodology of this study uses qualitative phenomenological approaches. The results showed that the role of regional leaders as political communicators in local politics had a lot to color the local political map, both at the provincial and district / city levels, although it was not proportional to the total number of regional heads and mandates of existing regulations. The communication channel or media commonly used by female regional leaders in this study is to use a communication and group communication approach, both directly through face-to-face meetings and through digital social media currently available. The use of the media channel was felt effective in introducing themselves, increasing the popularity and electability of female leaders in the area. The political communication strategy of women leaders in reaching regional leadership has three stages, namely networking strategies, message packaging strategies and media determination strategies.Keywords: female leaders, political communication, media channels, communication strategies ABSTRAK Pilkada langsung membuka peluang pada berbagai lapisan masyarakat terutama kaum perempuan untuk ikut mewarnai arah demokrasi lokal. Kehadiran perempuan sebagai kepala daerah merupakan salah satu strategi bagi lahirnya kebijakan yang lebih adil gender. Upaya perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan politik di daerah bukanlah hal yang mudah. Banyak faktor yang memengaruhi perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Oleh karena itu menjadi penting dan relevan untuk mengkaji bagaimana proses komunikasi politik yang dibangun perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Tujuan penelitian adalah mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis peranan perempuan pemimpin daerah sebagai komunikator politik dalam politik lokal, serta mengidentifikasi media dan saluran komunikasi politik yang digunakan perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Selain itu adalah merumuskan strategi komunikasi politik perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Metodologi penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif dengan pendekatan fenomenologi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peranan perempuan pemimpin daerah sebagai komunikator politik dalam politik lokal telah banyak mewarnai peta politik lokal, baik di tingkat provinsi maupun kabupaten/kota, walaupun belum proporsional dengan jumlah keseluruhan kepala daerah dan amanat dari regulasi yang telah ada.  Saluran komunikasi atau media yang umum digunakan oleh pemimpin daerah perempuan dalam penelitian ini adalah dengan menggunakan pendekatan komunikasi dan juga komunikasi kelompok, baik secara langsung melalui pertemuan tatap muka dan melalui media sosial digital yang ada saat ini.  Pemanfaatan saluran media tersebut dirasakan efektif untuk memperkenalkan diri, meningkatkan popularitas dan elektabilitas dari tokoh perempuan pemimpinan daerah tersebut. Strategi komunikasi politik perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah memiliki tiga tahapan, yaitu strategi membangun jejaring, strategi pengemasan pesan dan strategi penentuan media.Kata Kunci: Pemimpin perempuan, komunikasi politik, saluran media, strategi komunikasi dan daerah


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Caesar Demas Edwinarta ◽  
Rizkya Dwijayanti

This research seeks to analyze the political communication run by elite Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah in the election of Mayor and Vice Mayor (Pilwali) Kediri Year 2013 ago. Organizationally, neither NU nor Muhammadiyah declared its involvement in the Kediri City Pilwali process. But personally, at the elite level, there is a role performed by each of these institutions. This study was studied using descriptive qualitative method with purposive selection technique of informant accompanied by triangulation of source as technique of examination of data validity. The political communication carried out by both NU and Muhammadiyah is a political communication based on the Pareto stratification which divides the community groups that have the advantage to govern and who have no advantages whatsoever. NU has an elite stratification consisting of elites who have the advantage to govern and represent by kyai and elite who have no superiority to govern by being described as NU daily administrators on the management of Tanfidziyah. While the majority of Muhammadiyah elites have the capability as an elite that has an advantage with consideration of the influence resulting from political communication conducted by the elites. The results of this study indicate that political communication that occurs is a representation of an elite circulation process that results in an elite shift as a form of elite substitute shrewdness in shifting the previous strong elite's position through shifting values by placing influential groups in political contestation as a group capable of transferring power of the previous group. Keywords: Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, Elit.


INFORMASI ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Ulfah Hidayati

This study aimed to find out the political communication process occurring among the electorates in making decision of electing. In detail the source of information is known to be used for concerning the Pilgub DKI Jakarta of 2012, type of information obtained, and electing decision making among the Chinese Moslem community of Masjid Lautze Jakarta. Output of research was knowledge about the political communication process occurring until the electing decision making.This research referred to the conception that communication is a process of delivering message to exert effect (in this case the electing decision). The mass media effect theory was used as one of references in this research because the mass media pertained directly to the communicant in political communication process. The method used was qualitative one using in-depth interview technique for collecting data with 14 informants from the Chinese Moslem community of Masjid Lautze Jakarta. From the research it could be found that the dominant information source used to access the political information was mass media (television and newspaper), BBM (Black Berry Messenger), interpersonal communication media, group communication media, and other information source such as outdoor advertisement. Meanwhile in the term of information type, the information on Jokowi-Ahok couple became the most widely obtained one by the members of society. The electing decision was generally affected by such factors as mass media, interpersonal communication, group communication, organization, and observing Jakarta’s condition directly. The opinion leader factor (ustadz and foundation leader) did not have influence in this research.Penelitian ini betujuan untuk mengetahui proses komunikasi politik yang berlangsung pada khalayak pemilih dalam pengambilan keputusan memilih. Secara detailnya diketahui sumber informasi yang digunakan untuk mendapatkan informasi mengenai Pilgub DKI Jakarta 2012, jenis informasi yang didapatkan, dan pengambilan keputusan memilih di kalangan warga muslim Tionghoa jama’ah Masjid Lautze Jakarta. Output dari penelitian ini adalah pengetahuan mengenai proses komunikasi politik yang berlangsung hingga samapai pada tahap pengambilan keputusan memilih. Penelitian ini mengacu pada pemahaman bahwa komunikasi adalah suatu proses penyampaian pesan yang akan menghasilkan efek (dalam hal ini keputusan memilih). Teori mengenai efek media massa digunakan sebagai salah satu acuan dalam penelitian ini karena media massa langsung bersinggungan dengan komunikan dalam proses komunikasi politik. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan in-depth interview pada 14 narasumber warga muslim Tionghoa Jama’ah Masjid Lautze Jakarta. Dari penelitian tersebut didapatkan sumber informasi dominan yang digunakan untuk mengakses informasi politik adalah media massa (televisi dan koran), BBM (Black Berry Massanger), media komunikasi interpersonal, media komunikasi kelompok, dan sumber informasi lainnya seperti iklan luar ruangan. Sedangkan untuk jenis informasi maka informasi mengenai pasangan Jokowi Ahok menjadi informasi yang paling banyak didapatkan oleh warga. Untuk keputusan memilih secara umum dipengaruhi oleh beragam faktor yaitu oleh media massa, komunikasi interpersonal, komunikasi kelompok/organisasi, dan melihat kondisi Jakarta secara langsung. Untuk faktor opinion leader (ustad dan pimpinan yayasan) justeru tidak berpengaruh dalam penelitian ini.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Nurul Hasfi

In the last two decades Internet has influenced aspects of human life including democracy. In Indonesian context, since the arrival of Internet in the last 1990s, it was creating new phenomenon known as online political communication. It dramatically have been changing the practice of traditional political communication mediated by convensional media. This article try to provide discussion theoretically and practically relating to the issue. Theoreticaly it explores of how internet has modified classical  political communication theory; how new character of Internet has potential effect for producing better quality and quantity of political communication as well as how  it has  arised problematic issues on the process. Furthermore, this discussion briefly conclude that political communication in the future might never separate from this new medium. It may become most intriguing 'live laboratory' for researcher of the potential roles of the Internet in the political communication process. 


Author(s):  
Arijit Munshi

<p><em>Contemporary India has experienced several movements. Separate state movement(s) is one of them by a particular community, Rajbanshi. Generally this movement has started to get a specific identity of the community. From the late nineteenth century it was started by a leader called Panchanan Burma. Slowly this movement has mixed with Indian national politics. And now it has taken an important role in contemporary parliamentary vote politics. To ensure the political stand the upper strata of leaders of Rajbanshi separate state movement have sketched their parties (political and non-political) in the northern districts of West Bengal and adjacent part of Assam. There are many political parties and associations within ‘the movement’. These parties and associations are – Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA), Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA, it is a political party), Kamtapur Peoples Party (KPP), Kamtapur Progressive Party (KPP) and Greater Coochbehar Democratic Party (GCDP). </em></p><em>            The present paper wishes to explore the facts of contemporary identity politics of Rajbanshis in Coochbehar and also highlights the distribution of power within the political and non-political parties or association in the region. Data has been collected from ten villages selected from the Coochbehar district during 2010 to 2016. Secondary data was also used. Section I deals with regional identity and power. Section II deals with political parties or associations and their structural formation which helps them to establish this regional identity in recent times. Section III deals with politics of forum and also highlights the fact of distribution of power within the northern districts of west Bengal.</em>


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Bayu Priambodo

ABSTRACT                 This research seeks to see the kiai political communication in the nomination of Gus Ipul Puti in the East Java regional election in 2018. East Java Province is the basis of the Nahdlatul Ulama which is the largest religious organization in Indonesia. But in the 2018 elections the two best keders from the Nahdlatul Ulama organization fought in the elections to fight for the number one seat in East Java. The existence of this phenomenon resulted in segregation within the body of the Nahdlatul ulama organization so as to form two major shafts in East Java's political content. The Lirboyo axis is the axis that supports Gus Ipul and Puti while the Tebuireng axis is the axis that supports Khofifaf and Emil. The method in this study uses descriptive qualitative where data is obtained from interviews with several scholars who support the nomination of Gus Ipul and Puti. The results of this study indicate that the kiai political communication in nominating Gus Ipul as governor had occurred 10 years ago precisely in the East Java regional election in 2008 but because at that time Gus Ipul did not yet have a political party, he was paired with Soekarwo to become deputy governor. The political communication produced a document called the Lirboyo agreement which contained Gus Ipul who would accompany Seokarwo for two periods as deputy governor. The results of political communication were not violated for 10 years because at the time of the 2013 East Java regional election Gus Ipul was still accompanying Seokarwo as deputy governor..Keywords:  Political communication, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, local election. ABSTRAK Penelitian  ini berusaha untuk melihat komunikasi politik kiai dalam pencalonan Gus Ipul Puti pada pilkada Jawa Timur di tahun 2018. Provinsi Jawa Timur merupakan basis dari Nahdlatul Ulama yang merupakan organisasi keagamaan terbesar di Indonesia. Namun dalam pemilu tahun 2018 dua keder terbaik dari organisasi Nahdlatul Ulama bertarung dalam pilkada untuk memperebutkan kursi no satu yang ada di Jawa Timur. Dengan adanya fenomena tersebut mengakibatkan terjadinya segregasi di dalam tubuh organisasi Nahdlatul ulama sehingga membentuk dua poros besar dalam kontentasi politik Jawa Timur. Poros Lirboyo adalah poros yang mendukung Gus Ipul dan Puti sedangkan poros Tebuireng adalah poros yang mendukung Khififaf dan Emil. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif deskritif dimana data diperoleh dari wawancara dengan beberapa kiai yang mendukung pencalonan Gus Ipul dan puti. Hasil dari penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa komunikasi politik kiai dalam mencalonkan Gus Ipul sebagai gubernur sudah terjadi sejak 10 tahun lalu tepatnya pada pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2008 namun karena saat itu Gus Ipul belum memiliki partai politik akhirnya dipasangkan dengan Soekarwo untuk menjadi wakil gubernur. Komunikasi politik tersebut menghasilkan dokumen yang dinamakan perjanjian Lirboyo yang isinya Gus Ipul akan mendampingi Seokarwo selama dua periode menjadi wakil gubernur. Hasil komunikasi politik tersebut tidak dilanggar selama 10 tahun karena pada waktu pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2013 Gus Ipul masih mendampingi Seokarwo sebagai wakil gubernur.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi politik, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, pilkada


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