scholarly journals URGENSI KARTU DANA OTONOMI KHUSUS BAGI ORANG ASLI PAPUA (TINJAUAN DESENTRALISASI ASIMETRIS DI INDONESIA)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Ni Luh Putu Geney Sri Kusuma Dewi

Decentralization is one of the political choices in order to ensure the implementation of government affairs in the regions. History has noted that Indonesia has attempted (still) an ideal formula in the administration of local government, starting from the implementation of symmetrical or asymmetrical decentralization. This is not an easy matter considering the diversity that exists in each region, so a special method is needed to be able to fulfill the wishes of each region proportionally. The decentralization that Indonesia needs does not seem to be just ordinary decentralization, empirically Indonesia has actually implemented what is called asymmetric decentralization or decentralization that is not the same/not uniform for each region. The Papua region is an example of the implementation of asymmetric decentralization, but the problem is that the special labeling of the region reflects an asymmetrical framework, namely a serious effort designed to accommodate regional needs by considering all aspects based on regional needs. This means that in granting asymmetric decentralization to a region, it does not mean that it only fulfills sporadic needs based on bad experiences, namely the failure to carry out symmetrical decentralization as in other regions. Therefore, the author considers it important to analyze more deeply the special labeling for Papua has been given in accordance with the asymmetric decentralization framework or only meets sporadic demands to anticipate the issue of disintegration.  

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.


Author(s):  
Emilio J. de la Higuera-Molina ◽  
Marc Esteve ◽  
Ana M. Plata-Díaz ◽  
José L. Zafra-Gómez

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-63
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Liargovas ◽  
Nikolaos Apostolopoulos

Abstract The focus of this article is on the main aspects of economic governance in Greece during the period 2015–19 where the syriza-anel coalition party was in power. In August 2015, the syriza-anel government faced the dilemma either to accept a new agreement with the EU partners (as eventually happened) or go bankrupt and leave the Eurozone, becoming detached from EU solidarity mechanisms. A third program was agreed, offering Greece an additional €86 billion loan over a three-year period. The third programme was unnecessary considering that the syriza-anel governance inherited 0.8% growth rate and some progress in the structural reforms demanded during the first two agreements in 2010 and 2011. However, the political choices made had the consequence of Greece returning to recession in 2015 and 2016.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Herman G.B. Teule

In the Middle Eastern societies, Christians traditionally define themselves as religious communities or churches. This is a continuation of the Ottoman millet system, where religion determined the place one had in society and the patriarch was responsible for the insertion of his community into the state. It not only preserves the traditional ecclesiastical divisions based on dogmatic divergences and church politics but also transposes them to the political field.For a few decades, many lay politicians in Syria considered this system as detrimental to Christian interests. They developed the idea of a common ethnic identity for all churches using Syriac. New political circumstances in Iraq made it possible to give a political translation of this idea by the creation of Christian political parties, defending common ethnic minority rights. Despite some positive results, attempts at creating unity failed, not only because a lack of unanimity about certain political choices but also about the idea of ethnic identity itself.


2017 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 440-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Howard Grøn ◽  
Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen

This article investigates whether local governments are able to act in a unified manner when responding to reputational threats posed by negative media coverage. Based on an argument that local governments facing political instability are less able to perform in unison, the article investigates a number of expectations, including various types of political instability (council, agenda and policy area instability) and their relation to different types of responses to negative media coverage from the political and administrative actors (communication behaviour, responsibility and blame-avoidant behaviour, and sanctioning behaviour). The article finds such relationships for some of these aspects. The analysis also indicates that the reputational history of a local government is related to the degree of unified behaviour. The empirical analysis is primarily based on a survey sent to all Danish public managers in the three upper levels of the local government hierarchy. Point for practitioners Reputation management has become an area for strategic management in the public sector, not least in local governments. This article demonstrates that public managers need to pay attention to the degree of political instability characterizing their local governments when dealing with reputational threats. If the local government is characterized by political instability, the need to address potential disagreements between administrative and political actors becomes vital. Furthermore, public managers need to take into account the reputational history of their organization as it may challenge the ability to coordinate a unified response across the political and administrative leadership during reputational threats.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Muhadjir Suni ◽  
Muh. Zainuddin Badollahi

This study aims to determine and analyze the Diversification Strategy of Cultural Attractions in Support of Tourism Development in Wakatobi Village. This research method is qualitative research. The determination of the informants in this study was obtained by purposive sampling. The informants are community leaders and traditional leaders who are key informants. The results show that the opportunity for Wakatobi Regency to become a cultural tourism destination can be opened, because it is supported by the exoticism of local communities with their cultural diversity. The strategy that can be prioritized in the development of Wakatobi village tourism is the diversification of cultural attractions that are organized through institutions or Tourism Awareness Groups initiated by the community and funded by the local government and acting as an active facilitator. It seems that the political will and political commitment of leaders to maximize local government efforts need to be supported by tourism stakeholders from the government, private sector and the wider community, this is a weakness that needs to be covered so that the strategy in developing Community Base Tourism (CBT) tourism in Wakatobi provides a diversification of attractions. tour which is actually quite interesting to witness. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisa Strategi Diversifikasi Atraksi Budaya Dalam Mendukung Pengembangan Wisata Desa Wakatobi. Metode penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif. Penentuan informan penelitian ini diperoleh secara Purposive sampling. Adapun informan yaitu tokoh masyarakat dan tokoh adat yang merupakan informan kunci. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan peluang kabupaten wakatobi menjadi destinasi wisata budaya dapat terbuka, karena didukung oleh eksotisme komunitas lokal dengan keberagaman budaya yang mereka miliki. Strategi yang dapat diprioritas dapat dalam pengembangan wisata desa Wakatobi adalah  diversifikasi atraksi budaya yang terorganisasi melalui kelembagaan atau Kelompok Sadar Wisata yang diprakarsai masyarakat dan didanai oleh pemerintah daerah serta berperan sebagai fasilitator yang aktif. Tampaknya political will dan political comitment pemimpin untuk memaksimalkan upaya pemerintah daerah perlu di dukung oleh stekholder pariwisata dari pihak jajaran pemerintah, swasta dan masyarakat luas hal merupakan kelemahan yang perlu ditutupi agar strategi dalam pengembangan wisata Community Base Tourism (CBT) di Wakatobi menyajikan adanya diversifikasi atraksi wisata yang sesungguhnya cukup menarik untuk disaksikan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 87-101
Author(s):  
Daniil Andreevich Phedotov

The object of this research is the regional youth representative structures, while the subject is the establishment of youth parliamentary structures in the Russian Federation. The research leans on the methodology of historical neo-institutionalism with the “path dependence” approach. Attention is turned to studying the topic from the perspective of the need of federal and regional government in young personnel, substantiated by the shortage of competent specialists as a result of social disturbances. The empirical basis of this research is the interview with the former governor of Vologda Region (from 1996 to 2011) Vyacheslav Pozgalev, who was among the pioneers of the youth parliamentary movement. The novelty of this lies in examination of the phenomenon of youth parliamentarism in historical aspect. The date of creation of the first youth parliamentary body in Russia is established. The author determines five key prerequisites for the emergence of youth parliamentarism in the Russian Federation: European Charter; proliferation of the Western democratic values; political situation in the country; need for conventional self-expression of youth and creation of the filter for the youth labor pool. These prerequisites contributed the emergence and development of the institutions for expressing the political demands of the youth in the context of continuous dialogue ion with the federal and local government.


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