scholarly journals The 4 phases of evolution of political communication systems: from the golden age of the parties to the golden age of the users

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 76-83
Author(s):  
Tanase Tasente

The political media communication system began to develop, in a first phase, in the first two decades after the Second World War, this period being called by Blumler and Kavanagh (1999) as "the golden age of the parties" or as “the age of the newspapers”. In the 1960s, a new stage in the evolution of political communication systems began, when few national televisions put a monopoly on the media market, becoming the dominant medium in which political communication unfolded. This stage was named "the television era" or "the modern period of electoral campaigns". Two new aspects to the previous period of evolution are due to the diminution of the voters' loyalty and trust towards the political parties and the shift from direct communication to prime-time communication. The third phase of the evolution of political communication systems began to take shape at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century and was called the "postmodern period" or "digital era". Major changes in this period of political communication development have occurred both in technology, consumer behavior of voters, and in communication strategies. After 1990, for many other democratic countries and after 2000, for other totalitarian countries, political communication has undergone a strong transformation into its three points: (1) changing the communication channel and its characteristics far different from classical means, (2) related to the content of the message and the political discourse and, perhaps, the most important aspect (3) the public's ability to actively participate in government acts or protest actions challenging government acts.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Khoirul Mushthofa Misyuniarto

This study examines the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai as a boarding school caretaker in the General Election. The purpose of this study is to describe the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai Syafik Rofi'i, caretaker of the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Islamic Boarding School in Bangkalan Regency, East Java Province in the 2019 General Election. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy being implemented was political negotiation among kiai in Islamic boarding schools in Bangkalan Regency. In addition, political communication uses the strategy of a campaign winning team or success team, and also uses the media as a channel for delivering messages to provide understanding and influence public opinion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 18-29
Author(s):  
Mela Dávila Freire

Half a century after the 1960s, commonly considered to have been the period when artists’ publications expanded and consolidated, this genre seems to be experiencing a new ‘golden age’. In recent years, the number of books and printed matter produced by artists has grown exponentially, and so has the interest in them demonstrated by exhibition curators, public and private collectors, and even the media. The contemporary art scene in Spain is not immune to this phenomenon. On the contrary, over the last decade, artists’ publishing has undergone an explosion in quantity, quality and impact with no precedents in Spanish art history. The causes for such an explosion and its main traits are explored here, focusing on a number of significant examples and protagonists. Relevant sources of information documenting its course are offered, both online and in print.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilson Ugangu

Kenya’s media landscape has greatly transformed since the reforms of the 1990s, resulting in increased private ownership of media. The relationship between the media, politics and the citizen has been the most affected by these transformations. Using examples from Kenya’s 2017 elections, this article attempts to show how this relationship has changed and the opportunities and challenges for modern political communication. This article argues that although new trends in political communication have resulted in complex and dynamic political campaigns, they have also resulted in the atomization and alienation of the citizen in the democratic enterprise. This analysis is made against the backdrop of the political economy of the media theoretical perspective and, to an extent, emerging literature on media and globalization and attendant forces on the Kenyan society in general.


2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHAPPELL LAWSON ◽  
JAMES A. McCANN

On the basis of an analysis of a four-wave panel survey, we argue that exposure to television news had significant, substantial effects on both attitudes and vote choices in Mexico's watershed presidential election of 2000. These findings support the contention, implicit in some research on political communication, that the magnitude of media effects varies with certain features of the political context. In particular, television influence in electoral campaigns may be substantially larger in emerging democratic systems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Indra Setia Bakti ◽  
Khairul Amin

As a newcomer, the Perindo Party seeks to implement a specific strategy in order to compete with other parties that have already existed in the Indonesian political contestation. One of these is charity show programs. The high rating and concern societies watching the lives of poor people in various charity programs show besides creating profits also become a means of political communication. When political actors control the media, it is clear that there are interests also communicated, including the political powers of the funnel to get support from voters. When the Perindo Party is declared, the "scent" that HT and his party would use the media under their control is very clear. These signals can also be observed from the dominance of HT’s trusted people in the MNC Group in the composition of the Central Management Board Center, the Assembly of the Union Party and the court of Perindo party. That mean a charity program not only gives a very big business profit, but also the political media communication, enhance social branding in front of audiences, and build a base of loyal voters from poor family beneficiaries. To finishing this paper, the author uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The data in this article sourced from observations, studies of literature, and other sources considered relevant and then analyzed by the exchange theory of Peter Blau.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-14
Author(s):  
Yusa Djuyandi ◽  
Marginata Kurnia Putra .

At this time the image of political parties in Indonesia deteriorated because of various problems afflict their cadres in the Parliament and the executive. In order to increase the public's trust, many political parties begin to perform activities of political communication. This research is aimed to discuss and analyze the political communication held by political parties in the election of 2014. In order to analyze the political communication process conducted by the political parties, researchers using the theory of political communication with the indicator: sources (political communicator), political messages, media or political channels, influence or effect of political communication. The method used is qualitative, with primary data sources such as interviews and observations, as well as secondary data such as photo documentation and source literature obtained from other sources. From the research that has been made known that the political parties use the sources of political communication in the form of print media, electronic, outdoor media, and public communication channel group. Associated with the delivery of a political message, that the political parties use multiple channel messages, both textual and non-verbal, where all of the message channel associated with the media or political channels that are used by political parties, namely the print and electronic media. The results of this study also showed that the influence of political communication has been done by the political parties through the mass media are not always able to influence the attitudes or perceptions of society, because it needs to be seen also from the other side that is the perspective and needs of the community. From the results can be concluded that political communication conducted by political parties through a variety of media is no longer always have a dominant effect because audiences are active and independent.


Author(s):  
Afonso de Albuquerque

Political parallelism refers to a pattern or relationship where the structure of the political parties is somewhat reflected by the media organizations. A concept introduced by Seymour-Ure and Blumler and Gurevitch in the 1970s, political parallelism became widespread after Hallin and Mancini made it one of the four basic analytical categories of their masterpiece Comparing Media Systems, three decades later. Since then, political parallelism has been often taken as a category with a potentially universal applicability. There are some reasons for cautiousness in this respect, however, as the premise that the political parties are the core organizers of the dynamics of politics makes sense in circumstances existing in Western Europe, especially from the 1950s until very recently, but not at every moment or even everywhere. Otherwise, it is possible to think about political parallelism as one specific pattern of media/politics relations among several others either already existing or possible. The fact that this model in particular receives so much attention does not result necessarily from its intrinsic value, but it may be related to asymmetries existing in the international landscape of the academic research in journalism and political communication, which privileges Western-based standpoints over others. Arguably, taking political parallelism from a broader outlook, considering both Western and non-Western views may provide a richer perspective about it.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1257-1274
Author(s):  
Qian Gong ◽  
Gary Rawnsley

This article analyses the perceptions of media freedom and responsibility by journalists and politicians in South Korea during the Presidency of Roh Moo-huyn (2003–2008). It draws on in-depth interviews with 10 journalists and 10 politicians with different political affiliations and interests. Findings suggest that both groups had positive appraisals of the country’s media democratisation. For them, the media could function as a watchdog on political power without having to fear direct political reprisals for doing so. However, the political press remained partially shackled to specific legacies and economic conditions. The most pressing example is the way the paternal power of conservative media owners challenged the editorial independence of journalists. While the Internet media offered some hope to rebalance the power relationship between the conservative and progressive forces, the sensational and hyper-adversarial media motivated by market and political competition emerged as more worrying concerns for the consolidation of democratic political communication in post-transition South Korea. Setbacks in press freedom since 2008 have undermined some of the positive evaluations of the political communication in South Korea, suggesting that the democratic transition in this country resembles ‘a circle rather a straight line’.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Koukoutsaki-Monnier

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Sa’diyah El Adawiyah ◽  
Aida Vitayala Hubeis ◽  
Titik Sumarti ◽  
Djoko Susanto

ABSTRACT                 Direct elections open opportunities for various layers of society, especially women, to color the direction of local democracy. The presence of women as regional heads is one strategy for the birth of a more gender-equitable policy. The efforts of women to achieve political leadership in the regions are not easy. Many factors influence women in gaining regional leadership. Therefore it is important and relevant to examine how the political communication process that women build in achieving regional leadership. The aim of the study was to identify and analyze the role of regional leaders as political communicators in local politics, and to identify the media and political communication channels used by regional leaders in gaining regional leadership. In addition, it is to formulate a political communication strategy for regional leaders in gaining regional leadership. The methodology of this study uses qualitative phenomenological approaches. The results showed that the role of regional leaders as political communicators in local politics had a lot to color the local political map, both at the provincial and district / city levels, although it was not proportional to the total number of regional heads and mandates of existing regulations. The communication channel or media commonly used by female regional leaders in this study is to use a communication and group communication approach, both directly through face-to-face meetings and through digital social media currently available. The use of the media channel was felt effective in introducing themselves, increasing the popularity and electability of female leaders in the area. The political communication strategy of women leaders in reaching regional leadership has three stages, namely networking strategies, message packaging strategies and media determination strategies.Keywords: female leaders, political communication, media channels, communication strategies ABSTRAK Pilkada langsung membuka peluang pada berbagai lapisan masyarakat terutama kaum perempuan untuk ikut mewarnai arah demokrasi lokal. Kehadiran perempuan sebagai kepala daerah merupakan salah satu strategi bagi lahirnya kebijakan yang lebih adil gender. Upaya perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan politik di daerah bukanlah hal yang mudah. Banyak faktor yang memengaruhi perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Oleh karena itu menjadi penting dan relevan untuk mengkaji bagaimana proses komunikasi politik yang dibangun perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Tujuan penelitian adalah mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis peranan perempuan pemimpin daerah sebagai komunikator politik dalam politik lokal, serta mengidentifikasi media dan saluran komunikasi politik yang digunakan perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Selain itu adalah merumuskan strategi komunikasi politik perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Metodologi penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif dengan pendekatan fenomenologi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peranan perempuan pemimpin daerah sebagai komunikator politik dalam politik lokal telah banyak mewarnai peta politik lokal, baik di tingkat provinsi maupun kabupaten/kota, walaupun belum proporsional dengan jumlah keseluruhan kepala daerah dan amanat dari regulasi yang telah ada.  Saluran komunikasi atau media yang umum digunakan oleh pemimpin daerah perempuan dalam penelitian ini adalah dengan menggunakan pendekatan komunikasi dan juga komunikasi kelompok, baik secara langsung melalui pertemuan tatap muka dan melalui media sosial digital yang ada saat ini.  Pemanfaatan saluran media tersebut dirasakan efektif untuk memperkenalkan diri, meningkatkan popularitas dan elektabilitas dari tokoh perempuan pemimpinan daerah tersebut. Strategi komunikasi politik perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah memiliki tiga tahapan, yaitu strategi membangun jejaring, strategi pengemasan pesan dan strategi penentuan media.Kata Kunci: Pemimpin perempuan, komunikasi politik, saluran media, strategi komunikasi dan daerah


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