scholarly journals Modern Vectors of Russian Diplomacy in the Post-Soviet Space

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-330
Author(s):  
O. G. Karpovich ◽  
A. V. Davydova

The countries of the post-Soviet space are of particular importance for Russia’s geopolitical interests. This primarily concerns the political and economic processes taking place in them. Moreover, of great importance are the approaches of the post-Soviet countries to cooperation with Russia and integration processes in the post-Soviet space. In view of significant negative trends in the international arena, the consolidation of the post-Soviet space is acquiring paramount significance. Numerous challenges and complexity of the tasks that Russia is facing in the present region underscore the need for a balanced, pragmatic and forward-looking approach in bilateral and multilateral relations with the states. The focus of Russian diplomacy is still on Ukraine, the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia, Moldova and Belarus. These countries are the priority partners of Russia, the priority of its foreign policy.

2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-42
Author(s):  
S. A. Pritchin

In 2021 the countries of Central Asia and the South Caucasus celebrate the 30th anniversary of independence. According to the paradigm of transitology, the political development of a state since the departure from the authoritarian regime entails progressive liberalization and democratization of political processes. And, in accordance with the predominant theoretical approaches, the post-Soviet states were expected to follow this path. However, a closer look at the specifi c scenarios of power alternation in the Central Asia and the South Caucasus provides a much more mixed picture: here the change of ruling elites took very diff erent forms and shapes. The choice of scenario for the transfer of power was always determined by a complex combination of internal and external factors, including the nature and characteristics of the political system of a particular state, its ethnic com-position, the socio-economic situation and external environment. Nevertheless, it is possible to discern several key scenarios: a ‘revolutionary’ scenario, which implies a violent change of power; an intra-elite consensus; transition of power to a successor; a hereditary transmission of power; democratic elections; a resigna-tion of a president. A comparative analysis of the political processes unfolding in the region over the past 30 years shows that even institutionally the countries of Central Asia and the South Caucasus are not ready yet for a competition policy. Moreover, the latter is generally viewed by their leaders as a threat to both the stability of the state and to the interests of the ruling elites. To this may be added the expansion of diff erent informal, archaic political practices across the post-Soviet space. The latter include the sacralization of power, when national interests are equated with the interests of the ruling clan and the whole national identity is built up around this nexus. All this shows the limits of classical transitology theory when it comes to political transformations in the post-Soviet space, which it is unable to explain, yet alone to predict their possible future development. Thus, there is a strong need to develop new theoretical frameworks that would better accommodate particularities of the regional political systems.


2020 ◽  

The authors of the book analyze domestic political processes and international relations in the post-Soviet space. They examine the balance of political forces in Belarus after the presidential elections in August 2020, and transformations of political systems in Ukraine and Moldova. The main features of formation of the political institutions in the countries of South Caucasus and Central Asia and the latest trends in their devel-opment are analyzed. Attention is paid to the Karabakh and Donbass conflicts. The book examines the policy of major non-regional actors (USA, EU, China, Turkey) in the post-Soviet space. The results of develop-ment of the EAEU have been summed up. The role in the political processes in the post-Soviet space of a number of international organizations and associations (the CIS, the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the CSTO etc.) is revealed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202
Author(s):  
M. M. Nurtazin

In the process of researching the geopolitical transformation of the post-Soviet space as a «Eurasian project», the author uses the method of comparative analysis of the official foreign policy documents of the founding States of the Eurasian economic union. The author, highlighting Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus as subjects of the «integration core» in the post-Soviet space, reinforces the integration aspirations of these countries with economic data indicating their growing interdependence during the decade preceding the creation of the Union in may 2014.It is shown that the sanctions regime imposed by the Western countries on Russia and their negative impact on the economy of the EEU did not reduce the political will of the leaders of the «Troika» to continue further integration.A detailed research of the policy statements (publications) of the political leaders of the EEU «integration core» allows to determine the special role of Kazakhstan and its President N. Nazarbayev in the implementation of this large-scale geopolitical project.The author in considering programmatic foreign policy documents of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia offers to focus attention on the peculiarities of the positioning of the Eurasian economic union as integration entity. As a result, according to the author, the membership of Belarus in the «Eurasian project» was the result of a hard compromise for the Belarusian people. The Russian example shows that Moscow’s foreign policy vector was initially perceived by the EEU as a global project connecting Europe with the Asia-Pacific region. Now, however, Russia has positioned the EEU as a regional site. The author regards this as a decrease in the status of Eurasian integration and believes that this thesis looks very controversial. Kazakhstan, in turn, sees the «Eurasian project» as an opportunity to join the global economic chains. Thus, Astana attaches to the EEU exclusively global significance.The position of the Kazakh leader in the course of meetings with Western leaders is emphasized. The leader of Kazakhstan traditionally positions the EEU as an adequate and successful economic integration entity with which it is necessary to establish cooperation in all spheres. This allows him to be assigned the status of «advocate» of the «Eurasian project». At the same time, the article notes the support of the Eurasian views of N. Nazarbayev on the ideas of classical Eurasians P. Savitsky, G. Florovsky, N. Trubetskoy, G. Vernadsky, S. Solovyov, L. Gumilev.It is concluded that in the conditions of the remaining anti-Russian sanctions regime Kazakhstan’s participation in the EEU is one of the main factors of the legitimization of integration education at the regional and global levels. 


Author(s):  
Dmitry BEREZYUK ◽  
◽  
Alexander KLYASHTORIN ◽  

The article provides a comparative analysis of the political mechanisms and fundamental constitutional principles of the functioning of the institution of the presidency in the post-Soviet republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. According to the authors, in Georgia and Armenia, the institution of the presidency is evolving in the direction of weakening, which inevitably leads to an increase in the role of the parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers in the political process. Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan are following the path of forming personalist political regimes. The presidents of these countries have not only a wide range of formal powers, but also informal political resources that allow them to rule indefinitely and pass power on to their descendants. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan stand apart. The first country represents an example of successful institutionalization of presidential rule. Kazakhstan is one of the few states of the post-Soviet space, where a systematic and civilized transit of presidential power took place. At the same time, the political system remained stable. The situation in Kyrgyzstan is developing in a fundamentally different way, where a whole series of coups has taken place over the past few years. This country has a president, but the institution of the presidency, de facto, is absent.


Author(s):  
Elizaveta Dmitrievna Trifonova ◽  
Darya Vladimirovna Tavberidze

The subject of this research is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein. This article aims to fill the gap in French historiography and analyze the goals of the Russian Federation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization through the prism of French researchers. An overview is given to the assessment given by French authors to Russia’s goals in this organization at the stage of its foundation, establishment and development, as well as the overall goals of the Russian foreign policy in post-Soviet space and Central Asia. Special attention is given to the security and energy issues, as well as the growing influence of China and the United States in Central Asia. The relevance of this work is substantiated by the analysis of French research dedicated to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein, which is carried out for the first time. For article leans on the monographs and articles by the French historians, political scientists, and experts in the area of international relations dedicated to foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the early 1990s – late 2000s and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The conclusion is made that according to the majority of French researchers, the Russian Federation uses the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to strengthen its positions in Central Asia, as well as on the international arena.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 56-60
Author(s):  
Andrei Areshev

Turkey’s foreign policy activity is probably designed to create an additional platform for foreign policy bargaining with Moscow on issues of interest to Ankara, and not by any means only in the South Caucasus. Along with bilateral interaction with Azerbaijan and with the countries of Central Asia, political, economic and humanitarian cooperation within the framework of the “Turkic Council” is being strengthened.


Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  

The review is devoted to a unique collective scientific work of Russian and Azerbaijani authors, whose pages reflect important issues of the history and modern political, socio-economic and cultural development of Azerbaijan, Azerbaijani-Russian and Azerbaijani-Iranian relations, and Baku’s foreign policy in the context of integration processes in the post-Soviet space. The publication lists an overlook of six research papers and proceedings of the conferences “Humanitarian cooperation between Russia and Azerbaijan: spiritual and historical traditions and present time” and “Humanitarian dimension of eurasian integration: history and outlooks”, organized by the Institute of post-Soviet and inter-Regional Studies of Russian State University for the Humanities. Following the principles of objectivity and a systematic approach, using a wide range of sources, many of which are first introduced into scientific circulation in Russian historiography, the authors of the reviewed issue identify the key features of the formation and functioning of the modern Azerbaijani state and its foreign policy priorities. This publication develops a new interdisciplinary field of scientific research – Azerbaijani studies, which is located at the intersection of historical, political, economic and cultural studies and offers a wide methodological tools for studying topical issues of history and modernity of the most important regional processes and trends in the framework of the South Caucasus, in the post-Soviet space and on the scale of Greater Eurasia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (127) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The content of the new geo-strategic status of the Russian Federation that emerged after the collapse of the world socialist system and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The strategic conditions in which Russia is closely linked to the geopolitical environment that developed after the emergence of new independent states, the department new Russian borders. Russia in comparison with the USSR lost 25% of the territory, more than half of the population and the industrial and economic potential. RF is currently trying to stick to the geopolitical balance between Europe and Asia with a view to obtaining the role of the Eurasian transcontinental bridge. At the same time Russia was faced with geopolitical realities, which are connected with the restriction of its communications and foreign policy capabilities influence both on the west and south-east directions in connection with the new status of yesterday’s post-Soviet republics. Ukraine, Belarus and other former Soviet states of Eastern Europe addressed by the Russian Federation only as a geopolitical buffer on the south-western strategic flank. In the end, on the South Caucasus and Central Asia is assigned as a buffer on the south and south-east strategic flanks. From the point of view of the Russian geostrategy «vulnerable» segment of the border remains, which borders with Poland and the Baltic states. However, in recent years, Russia gradually loses its geopolitical influence in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova. There is a significant probability that in the medium term, Belarus will pay its strategic vector of foreign policy towards the EU and NATO. Such transformation in the foreign policy of the newly independent states will be another step in the destruction of geopolitical influence of Russia in the post-Soviet space. This situation is further more than changing the geopolitical landscape of the post-Soviet space and affects the geopolitical picture of the world as a whole.


Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  

The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.


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