Reflexiones para una nueva regulación constitucional del Defensor del Pueblo

Author(s):  
Laura DÍEZ BUESO

LABURPENA: Herriaren Defendatzailea Espainiako ordenamenduan sortu zenetik hogeita hamar urtetik gora igaro diren honetan, artikulu honek haren diseinu konstituzionala berriz taxutzea proposatzen du bi irizpideok oinarri hartuta: alde batetik, gure sistema instituzionalaren beharretara gehien egokitzen den Ombudsman eredua; bestetik, Defendatzaileak nola bete duen eskubideen bermatzaile-eginkizuna. Hortik abiatuta, erreforma-proposamenak bi ataletan biltzen dira. Lehendabizikoan, funtsezkoak izateagatik, Herriaren Defendatzailearen balizko erreforma konstituzionalean nahitaez kontuan hartu beharko liratekeen ezaugarriak jasotzen dira; haien artean, azpimarratzekoa da hura aukeratzeko gehiengoaren eta haren agintaldiaren iraupenaren zehaztapena. Bigarren atalean, erreforma konstituzionalean Estatuko erakundeak ahalik gehiena arautzea aukeratuko balitz, zer ezaugarri gehitzea komeniko litzatekeen jasotzen da; haien artean, erregelamendu-autonomia eta ofiziozko espedienteak abiarazteko duten ahalmena nabarmentzen dira. RESUMEN: Tras más de treinta años desde la incorporación del Defensor del Pueblo al ordenamiento español, este artículo propone una reformulación de su diseño constitucional partiendo de dos criterios: por un lado, cuál es hoy el modelo de Ombudsman que más se ajusta a las necesidades de nuestro sistema institucional; y, por otro, la forma en que el Defensor ha desarrollado su función como garante de derechos. A partir de aquí, las propuestas de reforma se agrupan en dos apartados. El primero dedicado a aquellos caracteres que, por su carácter esencial, deberían incluirse necesariamente en una eventual reforma constitucional del Defensor del Pueblo; entre ellos destaca la concreción de las mayorías para elegirlo y la duración de su mandato. El segundo apartado recoge los rasgos que convendría incorporar si la opción de la reforma constitucional fuera la de concretar al máximo la regulación de las instituciones estatales; entre ellos sobresale la autonomía reglamentaria y su capacidad para iniciar expedientes de oficio. ABSTRACT: After more than thirty years since the inclusión of the Ombudsman within the Spanish legal order, this article proposes a new design as of two criteria: on the one hand, which model of Ombudsman approaches nowadays better to the necessities of our institutional system; and on the other hand, the way by which the Ombudsman has developed its activities as guarantor of rights. From this point on, the proposals for reform can be put into two parts. The first one devoted to those features that due to its essential nature should necessarily be included in a prospective constitutional reform of the Ombudsman; among them it stands out the majorities required for the selection of the Ombudsman and the length of its office. The second part reflects the characteristics that should have if the option for the constitutional amendment would be to specify to the maximum the regulations of the State institutions; among them the statutory autonomy and its capacity to open administrative files.

Author(s):  
N. W. Barber

This chapter presents sovereignty as a normative principle but, in so doing, will also explain its descriptive aspect. The first part of the chapter connects sovereignty to an account of the state. Sovereignty captures two groups of elements that are necessary features of this institution: on the one hand, the characteristic authority claims made by the state; and, on the other, the demand that these claims be—to some extent—effective. The second part of the chapter considers the importance of sovereignty: the moral reasons that we have for creating institutions that possess its characteristics. Third, the chapter considers whether there are some situations in which sovereignty is unattractive or, perhaps, situations in which non-state institutions are preferable locations for sovereignty. The chapter concludes by arguing that for the vast majority of people today, sovereignty is of significant moral value.


2021 ◽  
pp. 59-84
Author(s):  
Jean-Michel Johnston

This chapter highlights the collaboration between individuals in state institutions and the private sector during the 1840s in Bremen, Bavaria, Prussia, and Austria. Earlier expectations for the potential of telegraphy were confronted with the sobering reality of technological development. On the one hand, the efforts of the state, scientists, and railway companies were supported by the increasingly free circulation of technical knowledge between institutions, experts, and private citizens scattered across the German ‘landscape of innovation’. This circulation is illustrated by an examination of various technical periodicals, while the example of Werner Siemens, a Prussian lieutenant posted in Berlin, is used to illustrate the social connections which also often supported these exchanges of information. On the other hand, the period also witnessed an accentuation of the tensions between and within the private sector and the state, as the latter sought to establish its own interest in obtaining the technology. This combination of necessary collaboration and disagreement caused frustrations which, by 1847, threatened to stall the process of development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-42
Author(s):  
Sergey Piskunov

The article examines the problem of the formation of the Soviet resettlement policy in the context of a decrease in the rural population of donor regions in the second half of the 40s - 80s. XX century on the example of the RSFSR. To achieve this goal, many historical documents were analyzed and summarized, which are contained mainly in the central archives of the Russian Federation. Such changes were caused, on the one hand, by a decrease in natural growth in the regions that were traditionally places of departure for new settlers, on the other hand, by a change in the settlement structure. Despite the demographic processes negative for the implementation of the resettlement policy, the country's leadership did not abandon this method of redistributing residents of some regions of the state in favor of others. It is noted that, while preserving the planned agricultural resettlement as a tool for increasing the demographic potential in certain regions and mitigating the shortage of labor in the enterprises of the agricultural sector, the Center inevitably faced the problem of finding sources for the formation of resettlement flows. From the beginning of the 1980s the solution to this problem in the USSR was ensured by several factors: firstly, the spread of the practice of intraregional resettlement; secondly, the inclusion of urban residents in the number of planned migrants, and not just villagers, as it was before; thirdly, the involvement of the inhabitants of Central Asia and the Transcaucasus in the organized migration. It is important to note that the article provides the information on the geography of the places of exodus for the second half of the 1940s – 1980s. indicating the most significant (by the number of people sent). Reflection of statistical data with a wide temporal and geographical coverage makes it possible to trace changes, on the one hand, in the intensity of migration ties between donor and recipient regions, and on the other, in the state policy of resettlement. The article is addressed to representatives of the scientific community (historians and demographers) and state institutions responsible for the development of modern migration policy.


KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 585
Author(s):  
Luiz Henrique Urquhart Cademartori ◽  
Noel Antônio Baratieri

As cláusulas pétreas: a possibilidade de revisão constitucional de vinculações de receitas na área da educação Resumo: O artigo aborda os limites e as possibilidades de alteração de normas constitucionais que garantem vinculação orçamentária para funções típicas do Estado tais como a Educação Pública. O problema é saber se uma emenda constitucional supressiva da referida garantia orçamentária seria constitucional ou não. A hipótese que se suscita neste estudo procura delinear em que medida seria inconstitucional tal adoção, posto que estaria restringindo, indiretamente, um direito fundamental, no caso o direito à educação, mas, ao mesmo tempo, esta simples constatação encontraria entraves sob a ótica de uma democracia intergeracional. Considera-se, de uma parte, o direito à educação é protegido, originariamente, no âmbito constitucional brasileiro como cláusula pétrea, mas, de outra, gerações futuras ou problemas conjunturais governamentais posteriores à 1988 podem questionar a legitimidade de normas fundamentais originadas em contexto sociopolítico anterior. Para o desenvolvimento deste trabalho, primeiramente analisam-se as cláusulas pétreas e os limites ao poder reformador. A seguir, estudam-se as referidas cláusulas e a sua evolução constitucional. Posteriormente, faz-se uma análise da constitucionalidade de eventual emenda que suprima a vinculação obrigatória de receitas para a educação sob o prisma da proibição de retrocesso. Palavras chave: Cláusulas pétreas. Constituição. Educação. Retrocesso. Receitas públicas. Safeguard clauses: the possibility of constitutional reviewing the bonded educational income Abstract: The article deals with the limits and possibilities of altering constitutional norms that guarantee budgetary linkage to functions typical of the State as a Public Education. The problem is whether a constitutional amendment suppressing the standard budget guarantee would be constitutional or not. The hypothesis that arises in this study looks for what is necessary, is not a fundamental right, is not a case, but the same, this is a finding found obstacles from the point of view of an intergenerational democracy. It is considered, on the one hand, that the right to education is protected, originally, it is not very Brazilian constitutional as a stony clause, but, on the other hand, future generations or post-1988 governmental conjunctural problems may question the legitimacy of fundamental norms originated in context previous sociopolitical. For the development of this work, firstly they are analyzed like stone clauses and the limits to the reformer power. Next, they are studied as clauses of clauses and their constitutional evolution. Subsequently, an analysis is made of the constitutionality of any amendment that abolishes the mandatory binding of transfer to the critic of a prison of prohibition of retrocession. Keywords: Constitution. Education. Public income. Regression. Safeguard clauses.


Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Alegre Martínez

<p>El escaso uso de los mecanismos de reforma constitucional ha hecho recaer sobre el Tribunal Constitucional, casi en exclusiva, la tarea de actualizar la Constitución española de 1978, a través de la interpretación evolutiva de la misma. En este trabajo, nos ocupamos, por una parte, de las dificultades a las que el Tribunal Constitucional ha tenido que enfrentarse en el desempeño de sus funciones; y, por otra, en el mayor o menor acierto en el ejercicio de las mismas. Reflexionamos sobre la delicada posición del Tribunal Constitucional, situado en el límite entre interpretar la voluntad del poder constituyente y sustituirla; así como en la frontera entre el activismo y la autocontención. Intentamos establecer la incidencia de algunas de sus decisiones sobre los problemas que afectan actualmente a nuestro sistema constitucional, en especial al Estado de las Autonomías.</p><p> </p><p>The limited use of the mechanisms of constitutional reform has made to rest on the Constitutional Court, almost exclusively, the task of updating the Spanish Constitution of 1978, through its evolutive interpretation. In this paper, we attend to, on the one hand, the difficulties to which the Constitutional Court has had to face in the development of its functions; and, on the other hand, the greater or lesser success in the exercise of the same. We reflect about the delicate position of the Constitutional Court, located on the border between interpreting the will of the constituent power or replace it; as well as on the border between activism or self-restraint. We are trying to establish the incidence of some of its decisions on the problems that currently affect our constitutional system, in particular to the State of Autonomies.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-315
Author(s):  
Jana Dudková

Abstract The text deals with the ways in which Slovak live-action films made in the 1990s introduced the topic of mistrust in the State and in its institutions. Using specific examples, the text demonstrates that such mistrust was not primarily a critical attitude, but rather consisted of two basic forms of rejection. On the one hand, live-action films made for cinema often promoted the post-modern principle of a “relative” truth, presenting a lifestyle with minimal ties to the State, sometimes also formulating a mistrust in specific state institutions (the police, state-run artistic institutions, education system) by means of irony. On the other hand, films made for state television frequently drew attention to corruption in state organisations and the fact it was usually being generally accepted as a status that did not need to be analysed. In both cases, the message of the 1990s was carried onto the next millennium, and can eventually be interpreted as a way of solidifying the discourse of mistrust that we perceive in contemporary Slovak film for cinemas and television.


Author(s):  
Aida G. Razumovskaya ◽  

The article traces the image of the estate, mainly, of the estate garden throughout the entire work of L.F. Zurov: in the story “Cadet”, the novels “The Ancient Way” and “The Field”, stories from the storybook “Maryanka”. The author’s attention is focused on the crucial era of revolutions and wars, against the background of which the ambiguity of the functions of the estate garden is revealed. Despite the specificity of the descriptions, it always appears in an existential projection. On the one hand, the garden is subjected to violent destruction, and on the other, it sets off the state of mind of the heroes, proving the inextricable link of a tree and a man. The author explains the selection of trees that inhabit the garden (apple tree, linden, fir tree, alder, etc.). But the main thing is that the image of the estate garden has an ontological coloring: it combines the transitory and the eternal, the semantics of eternal life and beauty are preserved, there is hope for the revival of the lost paradise.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (74) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Aleksandrs Matvejevs

The analysis of the notion ‘public security’ reveals its two parts: 1) conditions where there is no threat to an individual, society or state; 2) measures by the state that ensure these conditions and instills in people the sense of security. These elements to a certain extent determine the features and characterize public security as an object of police protection and as a definition of the notion. Public security is based on two elements: 1) public peace when there is peace, cooperation and confidence in safety in the public realm; 2) conditions of protects ability where the state (the police) continuously provides public security and is ready to render help and neutralize any threats. Thereby in the legal reality public security is police legal relations where the subjects are, on the one hand persons, society, state institutions that have a constant need of protection against crimes and other offences and, on the other hand, the state whose task is to ensure the protection stated in the legislation via competent institutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Sagung Ngurah Indradewi

The authority to grant permits to venture capital companies has a dualism of authority. The Financial Services Authority and the Ministry of Finance both have the authority to give licenses to venture capital companies. It can be seen that there are overlaps or conflicts of authority in this case institutional or legal institutions are authorized to give permission to venture capital companies. A norm of conflict over the authority of granting permission to venture capital companies, namely the Minister of Finance Regulation No. 18 / PMK.010 / 2012 concerning Venture Capital Companies (VCC) in Article 11 paragraph (1) VCCs are established in the form of limited liability companies or cooperatives, Article 12 paragraph (1) Legal entities as referred to Article 11 paragraph (1) the which carry out activities as VCC must first obtain a business permit from the Minister. Whereas the Financial Services Authority (FSA) Regulation No. 34 / POJK.05 / 2015 Concerning Business Licensing and Institutional Venture Capital Companies, in article 3 Paragraph (1) Every party conducting business activities for VCC or Sharia VCC must obtain a business license from the FSA. On the one hand the Ministry of Finance has the authority to issue a Venture Capital Company permit, but on the other hand the Financial Services Authority is also authorized to issue a Venture Capital Company permit. It is understandable that the position of state institutions and / or institutions of the Ministry of Finance with the Financial Services Authority is equal, in this case the same law was born, namely Law Number 39 of 2008 concerning the State Ministry and Law No. 21 of 2011 concerning Institutions Financial Services Authority.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110504
Author(s):  
Gerardo Scherlis

In spite of the growing academic interest in party law in Latin America, we still lack a comprehensive account on how party regulatory frameworks evolved from the time of transitions to the present. This paper aims to fill this gap. In doing so, it makes a double contribution to the field of party regulation. On the one hand, it systematizes, for the first time, all the reforms adopted in Latin America over the last four decades. On the other hand, it introduces a theoretical innovation by using the concept of normative paradigms to analyze a process of legislative change. The main argument of this article is that a permissive paradigm was gradually but overwhelmingly replaced by a prescriptive approach, which conceives parties as semi-state institutions. This shift sheds light on the changing linkages between parties and the state in Latin America.


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