scholarly journals La discrecionalidad en la provisión de puestos de trabajo mediante libre designación

Author(s):  
Rafael ALIAGA RODRÍGUEZ

Laburpena: Administrazio publikoetako izendapen askeko lanpostuetarako izendapenetan “ahalmen diskrezionala” nola erabili aztertuko dugu. Funtzionario publikoen karrera profesionalerako eskubide subjektiboa ikertuko dugu, baita lanpostuak betetzeko sistemen arteko aldea ere: lehiaketa eta izendapen askea. Izendapen askearen diskrezionalitatearen kasuan, hura osatzen duten elementuak aztertuko ditugu, merezimenduari eta gaitasunari dagokienez. Prozesu hori objektibotasun-, inpartzialtasun- eta gardentasun-printzipioetatik abiatuta gauzatu beharko da, eta jarduera horren emaitzak hautatu beharreko hautagaia, pertsona egokia, zehaztera eramango gaitu. Resumen: Vamos a abordar cómo se debe ejercitar la “potestad discrecional” en el nombramiento en puestos de libre designación en las Administraciones Públicas. Analizaremos el derecho subjetivo a la carrera profesional del personal funcionario público y la distinción entre los sistemas de provisión de puestos de trabajo: el concurso y la libre designación. De la discrecionalidad de la libre designación escudriñaremos los elementos que la componen en relación con el mérito y la capacidad. El resultado de tal actividad, que deberá ejercerse desde los principios de objetividad, imparcialidad y transparencia, nos llevará hasta determinar la persona candidata a seleccionar, la persona idónea. Abstract: We are going to address how the “discretionary power” should be exercised in the appointment of freely appointed positions in the Public Administrations. We will analyze the subjective right to the professional career of public officials and the distinction between the systems for the provision of jobs: competition and free appointment. Regarding the discretion of free designation, we will scrutinize the elements that compose it in relation to merit and capacity. The result of such activity, which must be exercised from the principles of objectivity, impartiality and transparency, will lead us to determine the candidate to select, the ideal person.

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Buckley Dyer ◽  
Kevin E. Stuart

AbstractThe ideal of public reason, made prominent by John Rawls, has become a mainstay of discussions about the proper role of religious arguments in a politically liberal society. In particular, Rawls's theory of public reason requires citizens and public officials to refrain from appealing to comprehensive religious and philosophical doctrines in public deliberation on matters of basic justice and constitutional essentials. In this essay, we review the ways in which the public life of Martin Luther King, Jr. — with its frequent appeals to a comprehensive doctrine to justify disobedience to the law — represents a challenge to the ideal of public reason, and we consider several Rawlsian rejoinders. What is missing from the existing body of scholarship on public reason is a thorough analysis of King's philosophical and theological arguments, including the examples of legal injustice he offered in his celebrated “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” As we note, King's specific examples of unjust laws rely on a theological framework that bedevils the attempt to reconcile his Letter with the constructivist underpinnings of Rawls's theory of public reason. Indeed, Rawls is in something of a bind: either King's argument is not acceptable under the terms of public reason or public reason simply cannot limit contemporary public discourse in the way Rawls has in mind. We consider several possible Rawlsian arguments for the accommodation of King's theological rhetoric, but conclude that the Rawlsian idea of public reason remains deeply problematic.


Author(s):  
Jessica Flanigan

Though rights of self-medication needn’t change medical decision-making for most patients, rights of self-medication have the potential to transform other aspects of healthcare as it is currently practiced. For example, if public officials respected patient’s authority to make medical decisions without authorization from a regulator or a physician, then they should also respect patient’s authority to choose to use unauthorized medical devices and medical providers. And many of the same reasons in favor of rights of self-medication and against prohibitive regulations are also reasons to support patient’s rights to access information about pharmaceuticals, including pharmaceutical advertisements. Rights of self-medication may also call for revisions to existing standards of product liability and prompt officials to rethink justifications for the public provision of healthcare.


Author(s):  
Michael P. Lynch

This chapter argues that academic freedom is justified because it is an inherently epistemic practice that serves the ideals of democracy. With Dewey, it is argued that “The one thing that is inherent and essential [to the idea of a university] is the ideal of truth.” But far from being apolitical, the value of pursuing truth and knowledge—the value that justifies academic freedom, both within and without the public mind—is a fundamental democratic value, and for three reasons: the practices of academic inquiry exemplify rational inquiry of the kind needed for democratic deliberation; those practices serve to train students to pursue that kind of inquiry; and those practices are important engines of democratic dissent.


Author(s):  
Ethan J. Leib ◽  
Stephen R. Galoob

This chapter examines how fiduciary principles apply to public offices, focusing on what it means for officeholders to comport themselves to their respective public roles appropriately. Public law institutions can operate in accordance with fiduciary norms even when they are enforced differently from the remedial mechanisms available in private fiduciary law. In the public sector, fiduciary norms are difficult to enforce directly and the fiduciary norms of public office do not overlap completely with the positive law governing public officials. Nevertheless, core fiduciary principles are at the heart of public officeholding, and public officers need to fulfill their fiduciary role obligations. This chapter first considers three areas of U.S. public law whose fiduciary character reinforces the tenet that public office is a public trust: the U.S. Constitution’s “Emoluments Clauses,” administrative law, and the law of judging. It then explores the fiduciary character of public law by looking at the deeper normative structure of public officeholding, placing emphasis on how public officeholders are constrained by the principles of loyalty, care, deliberation, conscientiousness, and robustness. It also compares the policy implications of the fiduciary view of officeholding with those of Dennis Thompson’s view before concluding with an explanation of how the application of fiduciary principles might differ between public and private law settings and how public institutions might be designed or reformed in light of fiduciary norms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Svetlana Neretina

The article rejects the reading of Thomas More's Utopia as, first, a statement of More's own views on the ideal state and, accordingly, his definition not only as a humanist, but as a communist, and, secondly, an attempt is made to present the humanistic foundations of his ideas and ways of expressing them. These ways of expression are connected with the tropological way of his thinking, expressed through satire and irony, with an eye to ancient examples, which was characteristic of the philosophy, poetics and politics of humanism, one of the tasks of which was to try to build a new society (especially relevant in the period of geographical discoveries), architecture, an unprecedented ratio of natural objects (archimboldeski). The models for "Utopia" were the works of Plato, Lucian, and Cicero. It is written in the spirit of the times, with criticism of state structures, private property, the distinction between the private and the public, and openness to all ideas. Intellectual disorientation of readers is a specific creative task of More writer, his test of their ability to quickly change the optics, to consider history as an alternative world, radically different from our own, but connected with it. Thanks to an extremely pronounced intellectual tension, it goes beyond the limits of time, like the works of Plato, Aristotle, Augustine, Marx... Utopia can be represented as a dystopia, if we take into account the performative nature of the latter, which contributes to the instantaneous translation of words into action, realizing the world of utopia. Dystopia is the answer to utopia with a change of sign: about the same thing, changing the optics, you can say "yes" and "no". This means that in the modern world, indeed, and for a long time, virtual consciousness becomes little different from the real one, and imagination replaces the theoretical position, acquiring its form, turning theory into fiction. A hypothesis is put forward about the presence of many utopian countries in" Utopia": Achorians, Polylerites, Macarians, Anemolians.


Author(s):  
RAFAEL JIMÉNEZ ASENSIO

La formación de empleados públicos ha sido objeto de una atención marginal. El objeto de este estudio es analizar hasta qué punto la aprobación del EBEP y los instrumentos de innovación de la gestión de personas allí recogidos suponen realmente un cambio de paradigma en la manera de comprender la formación de empleados públicos. La política de formación de empleados públicos tiene un carácter transversal y tiene, asimismo, una naturaleza instrumental. El presente trabajo desarrolla un análisis integral de la formación en el marco del cambio de paradigma que representa el EBEP en la gestión de recursos humanos, poniendo en valor la importancia que la formación tiene para articular políticas selectivas, la carrera profesional o la evaluación del desempeño en el empleo público. Superar el actual «modelo agotado» de formación exige ver la misma como un deber o responsabilidad del empleado público. Enplegatu publikoen prestakuntza baztertu samar egon da. Lan honek, hain zuzen, aztertzen du noraino aldatuko ote duten paradigma, enplegatu publikoen prestakuntza ulertzeko moduan, Enplegatu Publikoaren Oinarrizko Estatutua onartzeak eta han jasotzen diren pertsonen kudeaketa berritzeko tresnek. Enplegatu publikoak prestatzeko politika zeharkakoa izateaz gain, instrumentala ere bada. Azterlan honetan oso-osoan aztertzen da enplegatu publikoen prestakuntza, aipatu estatutuak baliabideen kudeaketari dagokionez dakarren paradigma-aldaketaren ikuspegitik. Halaber, baloratu egiten da prestakuntzak duen garrantzia, hautaketa-politikak, karrera profesionala edo enplegu publikoko lanaren ebaluaketa antolatzeko orduan. Gaur egungo prestakuntza-eredua «agortuta» dago. Beraz, gainditu beharra dago, eta, horretarako, ezinbestekoa da enplegatu publikoaren eginbehar edo erantzukizun moduan hartzea prestakuntza. The civil servants¿ training has been subject of marginal attention. The aim of this study is to analyzse to what extent the passing of the Basic Statute for the Civil Servants and the instruments of innovation for the personal administration therein do really imply a change in the paradigm of understanding the civil servants¿ training. The policy on the civil servant¿s training has a transversal character and also an instrumental nature. This present work develops an integral study on the training within the framework of the change of paradigm which entails the EBEP for the management of human resources, by enhacing the importance training has in order to articulate selection policies, the professional career or the evalutaion of the performance of the public employment. Overcoming the current «outdated model» of training calls for considering it as a duty or responsibility by the civil servant.


Author(s):  
Mikael Rothstein

This chapter deals with sacred biographies, hagiographies, and their function in the formation of religious leaders and ritually venerated persons. It is argued that the status of any Master, Teacher, Prophet, guru, Seer and Channel is partly based on sacred biographies, and that the narrative construction of religious authority is crucial to our understanding of leadership in new religions, sects etc. Distinctions are made between doctrinal and popular hagiographies; doctrinal narratives promote the exalted leader according to theologically well-defined standards, while popular narratives cover a wider span, as they seek to draw a picture of the perfected human in many different ways. Counter-hagiographies, finally, serve to deconstruct the ideal person and are typically employed by ex-devotees or members of counter-groups. Hagiographies are seen as very ancient social strategies (there are references to old new religions including early Christianity and the cult of Christ), but also a very lively and important mechanisms in the current make of religious leaders. Examples are derived from Catholic cults of saints, the Mormon Church, Scientology, TM and several other groups.


PMLA ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 127 (4) ◽  
pp. 1010-1015
Author(s):  
Celeste Langan

When my berkeley colleague the poet robert hass wrote for the new york times an account of the occupy cal event of 9 november 2011, he described the “strange contingencies” that struck his mind (even as the police baton struck his body). Since that day, when I was arrested (the police used a technique they call a hair-pull takedown) for linking arms with students to protect tents erected in solidarity with Occupy and in defiance of the campus's no-tents policy, I too have felt those contingencies. My decision to participate was no accident; I wanted to resist the conceptual and practical attenuation of the ideal of education as a res publica. But at the time of my arrest I had not yet recognized how much Occupy resonates with issues I have made the center of my scholarly life: vagrancy, mobility, freedom. This brief essay considers the new inflection Occupy has given to my understanding of the work of education. To exercise freedom of thought is not merely to engage heterodox ideas; it is to make thinking take place and take its time. It is to refuse attempts to constrain, by regulations concerning time, place, and manner, the public exercise of thinking.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Anton Surahmat ◽  
Susanne Dida ◽  
Feliza Zubair

Crisis communication is one of the most important instruments in crisis management. Unfortunately, there is a lot of criticism about how the Indonesian government implemented its crisis communication strategy during the Covid-19 pandemic season. This study aims to uncover the government's crisis communication strategy from the perspective of Van Dijk's critical discourse analysis. Based on the Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT), researchers study the structure of discourse in texts consisting of macro, superstructure, and micro. There were 6 press releases from President Jokowi, Minister of Health Terawan Agus Putranto, and Spokesperson dr. Achmad Yurianto was collected using a purposive sampling method to describe the government's crisis communication strategy at the beginning of pre-crisis and crisis. The results show a significant dynamic crisis communication strategy on how the government implemented it in the pre-crisis and crisis phases. In the pre-crisis phase, they were statements from public officials especially in this case coming from President Jokowi and Minister of Health Terawan Agus Putranto. Both of these statements tend to lead to Deny and Diminish's strategy while still delivering messages in the form of Adjustments and Instructive Information so that the public remains alert and calm. However, in the crisis phase, government communication shifted towards Diminishes' statement, in the view of Justification that the crisis was actually not so terrible and bad. This is the biggest idea that emerged in the statement of President Jokowi and Spokesperson dr. Achmad Yurianto. Broadly speaking, this phase also provides a greater perspective on projections of government policy in the Covid-19 arrangement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 634
Author(s):  
M Muslih

Legislative members are partners as well as balancing the government in regulating and controlling the government, therefore it is necessary to have a "presence" of honest and clean professional legislators. Reality shows that the professionalism of some legislators still disappoints some of their constituents. For this reason, it is necessary to think about how to escort members of the legislative body in order to realize a clean government. To meet these expectations an election process is needed that can guarantee the implementation of an honest and fair election process. In order to realize the ideal above, the presence of a good legislative Election Law, a professional law enforcement apparatus, and a culture of high legal awareness from the public in exercising their voting rights.


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