scholarly journals The Relevance of Gandhi in the Age of Globalisation

Uma Shankar

The relevance of Gandhian ideas and his technique of satyagraha in resolving global problems is even greater today. The economic disparity, social divisions, ecological catastrophe and growing social intolerance are global challenges in the age of capitalist and technological globalisation. Globalisation as an economic model with neo- liberal ideology is inconsistent with Gandhian economic and political philosophy. Globalisation per se does not seem to be not be reversible as the hegemony of the global capital is deeply entrenched. However, its malaise can be better managed with Gandhian prescriptions. Gandhi stands for pursuit of truth, incessant enquiry, nonviolence, human values, dignity of labour, and respect for the plurality of views, economic and political decentralisation with substantial decrease in the power of the state. Gandhian vision stands for mobilisation of the people’s power through nonviolent active participation against all kinds of injustices and making the political power accountable in the service of the society. Gandhi had deep faith in the intrinsic goodness of individual human beings and he staunchly believed and demonstrated that truthful and moral means are superior to immoral means in redressing the social and political problems confronting mankind. Gandhian economic and political vision is for a decentralised, just and nonviolent society which is indispensable for spiritual and moral upliftment of individual human beings. Gandhian prescriptions are for common masses and practical. It only requires pursuit of truthful and moral means without any hatred and ill will for anyone in the struggle against domination and injustice. Keywords: Satyagraha, Ahimsa, Dharna, Hindu, Inter-faith, Decentralisation, Moksha, Spiritual

1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-300 ◽  
Johan Galtung

The main thesis of the paper is that technology is not merely a mode of production and therefore neutral; it carries within it a code of structures - economic, social, cultural, and also cognitive. The economic code that inheres in Western Technology demands that industries be capital-intensive, research-intensive, organization-intensive and labour-extensive. On the social plane, the code creates a ‘centre’ and a ‘periphery’, thus perpetuating a structure of inequality. In the cultural arena, it sees the West as entrusted by destiny with the mission of casting the rest of the world in its own mould. In the cognitive field, it sees man as the master of nature, the vertical and individualistic relations between human beings as the normal and natural, and history as a linear movement of progress. The transfer of Western technology is thus a structural-cultural invasion, which is not clearly seen as such parly because it is not accompanied by the West's physical presence (as in the days of colonialism), and partly because the fragmentation inherent in Western technology fragments the perception of the total picture. For techniques that create different structures to come into their own, a very clear perception of the interlocking of technology and structures is needed. Also needed is the political will to use alternative technologies as an instrument to bring about a structural change.

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Marcus Baccega

SOBERANIA E DEMOCRACIA EM TEMPOS MUNDIALIZADOS: ATUALIDADE DA FILOSOFIA POLÍTICA DE JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU E OS LIMITES DO CONTRATO SOCIAL Resumo: este artigo visa a problematizar os (des)caminhos dos conceitos políticos e das práticas sociais e jurídicas em torno da soberania política do Estado Nacional e da democracia nos tempos de mundialização do Capital. Portanto, revisita e percorre uma breve arqueologia conceitual da Soberania, desde Isidoro de Sevilha até a clássica definição de Jean Bodin nos Seis Livros sobre a República (1576). O propósito é problematizar a filosofia política de Rousseau para, então, perceber e discutir seus limites suas virtualidades, bem como a atualidade de sua noção de Contrato Social e o papel da Filosofia Política na Era do Capital Global. Palavras-chave: Rousseau. Soberania. Mundialização do Capital. Abstract: this paper casts doubt on the ways and shunts of political concepts and social and legal practices concerning political sovereignty of the Nation State and democracy at the time of Capital’s globalization. It revisits a brief conceptual archeology of Sovereignty, since Isidore of Seville to the classical definition by Jean Bodin in The Six Books on the Republic (1576). The purpose is casting doubt on the political philosophy of Rousseau, in order to discuss its limits and virtualities, and the topicality of his notion of social contract and the role of Political Philosophy at the Age of Global Capital. Keywords: Rousseau. Sovereignty. Globalization of Capital.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-10
N Murugesapandian

In Tamil Nadu, during the Sangam era, Vedic religion and other religions, namely, Jainism and Buddhism, were ideologically introduced. During that period, the social environment of the ethnic group was disintegrating, and the political spread of the Muventhar with the marginal kings was dominant. The land, symbolized by the Tamil language, is expanding and relating to politics. Rules and punishments created in the name of ethics were emphasized in the context of producing bodies that were pro-power. In the ethical texts, Thirukkural and Manu Dharma Shastra are important.The idea that lies in the aftermath of the Thirukkural rules that are celebrated as ethics is to be found. At the same time, the practice of Manu dharma, up and downs in the name of the birth, the inequality of the woman on the basis of gender. In Vedic religion the politics that have kept Bhramins at the top of the social stratum remain early to the present day. As far as Thiruvalluvar is concerned with the development of human beings, Manu has given rise to the social dominance of Varunasirama on the basis of birth. The essence of the article is the attempt to contain the political power that operates in the back of two different ethical literatures.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-128
Sari Wulandari ◽  
Guntur Guntur ◽  
Martinus Dwi Marianto

RajutKejut is a knitting community in Jakarta, Indonesia, that has been doing yarnbombing activities since 2014. In 2019, Jakarta Arts Council invited RajutKejut to collaborate with Kampung Air Baja residents in Penjaringan, North Jakarta, in a program called Young Curator Class: Titik Temu Gembira. The program combines forces between RajutKejut and urban village residents to explore life from a different perspective, specifically through art activism. This program’s spirit helps residents have joyful independent lives with dignity through art that encourages life’s passion. The RajutKejut Community shares its knowledge with residents on making necklaces from threads for their dance costumes. This research discusses how RajutKejut brings forward the passion of life through art activism. This research uses Alyce McGovern’s Craftivism method, which dissects craftivism in personal, community, and political aspects. It shows the relation of art to the residents, how art can influence and raise an individual’s potential. The community aspect shows the relation of art and the residents and how art can restore the spirit of togetherness and cooperation. On the political aspect, the art facilitates statements of empowerment from the residents. Through RajutKejut craftivism, the residents have the social capital to help them catch their breath for a while, stop their routines for a moment, and allow them to feel their existence as human beings who have expressions and feelings. Eksplorasi Eksistensi Diri melalui Kraftivisme RajutKejut: Studi Kasus di Hutan Penjaringan, Jakarta ABSTRAK RajutKejut adalah komunitas merajut di Jakarta, Indonesia yang telah melakukan kegiatan ‘bom-benang’ sejak tahun 2014. Pada tahun 2019, Dewan Kesenian Jakarta mengundang RajutKejut untuk berkolaborasi dengan warga Kampung Air Baja di Penjaringan, Jakarta Utara, dalam program Kelas Kurator Muda: Titik Temu Gembira. Program tersebut menggabungkan potensi komunitas RajutKejut dan warga kampung kota untuk mengeksplorasi kehidupan melalui perspektif yang berbeda, khususnya lewat aktivisme seni. Semangat program ini adalah membantu warga untuk memiliki kehidupan mandiri yang menyenangkan dan bermartabat, melalui seni yang mendorong gairah hidup. Komunitas RajutKejut berbagi pengetahuan kepada warga kampung kota, cara membuat kalung dari benang untuk kostum tari mereka. Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana RajutKejut mendorong gairah hidup melalui aktivisme seni. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode Craftivism Alyce McGovern, yang membedah craftivism dalam aspek personal, komunitas, dan politik. Penelitian menunjukkan relasi seni dengan warga kampung, bagaimana seni dapat mempengaruhi dan meningkatkan potensi individu. Dalam aspek komunitas, menunjukkan bagaimana seni berelasi dengan masyarakat dapat mengembalikan semangat kebersamaan dan kerjasama. Pada aspek politik, kesenian memfasilitasi pernyataan pemberdayaan dari warga kampung. Melalui kraftivisme RajutKejut, warga kampung memiliki modal sosial untuk membantu mereka mengatur napas sejenak, menghentikan rutinitas sejenak, dan memberi mereka kesempatan untuk merasakan keberadaannya sebagai manusia yang memiliki ekspresi dan perasaan.

2021 ◽  
pp. 153-180
Jason Frank

One of the central ironies of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political thought was that the democratic era that promised to bring conscious human agency to an equal mankind, freeing human beings from their bondage to tradition and their submission to the sacred, actually threatened them with unprecedented forms of domination. Tocqueville’s sense of “religious terror” is engendered from the spectacle of everyone being “driven willy-nilly along the same road” and having “joined the common cause, some despite themselves, others unwittingly, like blind instruments in the hands of God.” “Religious terror” is both a symptom and a diagnosis of his concern with the deflated status of individual agency in democratic contexts, and with the related eclipse of the political by the social question. This chapter explores this dimension of Tocqueville’s thought and its relation to his denial of such agency to any collective actor, to deny heroism, and its associated grandeur, to the popular will.

2018 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Mona Chettri

‘Rowdies or rowdy’ refers to a person who fits somewhere between a gangster and a goon, not a criminal per se but prone to crime and violence, usually at the behest of political leaders. ‘Rowdies’ are the face of political movements, an integral and ubiquitous feature of Darjeeling politics. Their centrality to popular movements indicates a form of hill politics that challenges accepted notions of political participation, democracy, and mobilization. The essay engages in an assessment of the political culture of Darjeeling through the perspective of the ‘rowdies’ who are a product of the social, political, and material circumstances of postcolonial Darjeeling. It examines the vital role that ‘rowdies’ play in shaping the political terrain of the region and how their lives provide a context through which to understand contemporary state and society in Darjeeling.

Chris Gilleard ◽  
Paul Higgs

This chapter addresses the question of intersectionality and the positioning of older people at points in a complex set of locations structured and leant upon by multiple sources of difference and inequality. It argues that social locations are no longer organised through simple binary divisions underpinned by single hierarchies of power and influence. Instead, identities and inequalities are located in the interstices that social divisions and differences form. The positioning both of age and of able-bodiedness, class, ethnicity, gender is rendered contingent by this intersectionality, making each of these potential divisions the source of at most a limited set of demi-regularities that constrain both the political claims of different social groups and the restrict the commonalities of different communities. The chapter concludes that intersectionality, though a much-contested concept, does draw attention to the social positioning of and social divisions within later life.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-123 ◽  
Bob Pease

While feminist and profeminist scholars are increasingly in agreement with the thesis that hegemonic and destructive forms of masculinity are the source of current environmental crises, there is less agreement on how to address this issue or on the way forward for ecologically conscious and profeminist men. Some forms of ecofeminism essentialize women as being closer to nature than men, while arguing that men are closer to culture. There seems little capacity for men to change in this view. In a parallel development, some ecomasculinity theorists argue that the problem is not with the nature of masculinity per se but with the separation of men’s natural maleness from forms of masculinity that suppress their infinite capacity to care. It will be argued that such latter approaches espouse either an ecofeminine or ecomasculinist perspective rather than a social ecofeminist view. This article will explore the implications of the social ecofeminist critique (or what some writers refer to as feminist environmentalism) for understanding socially constructed masculinism, and what men can do about it, in the context of the social divisions between men across the world.

1994 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 107-131
Andrew Levine

Individualisms of various kinds are pervasive in the social sciences and in moral, social and political theory. Thus some social theorists maintain that individual human beings exist but that there is nothing distinctively social in their interactions that we must countenance ontologically (metaphysical individualism). Others argue that ‘social facts,’ whatever their ontological status, should be explained by facts about individuals (methodological individualism). And virtually all philosophers assume that the point of departure for addressing normative questions about social and political arrangements should be individuals and their interests. These are, of course, distinct claims. But they are sustained by similar intuitions. I believe that in general these intuitions are sound, but that the full-blown doctrines they suggest are importantly mistaken. In what follows, I shall focus on one aspect of this very general claim. I shall dispute the form of individualism that nowadays pervades (normative) political theory while endorsing the individualist intuitions that motivate it.

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-161
Elena Namli

Abstract This article develops a critique of the monopoly of liberal ideology in the field of human rights by considering how law, morality and politics are related to each other. The author argues that the constructive potential of international human rights law does not lie in its being understood and practiced as a positive law. On the contrary, to focus on human rights law as positive law is to conceal the political nature of human rights and to prevent effective development of its moral and political potential. Further, the author considers the case of Sharia law and argues that Sharia, for it to be implemented concretely in the social, political, and legal spheres, must be understood as a moral and religious ‘way’. These interpretations of human rights law and Sharia are used as the basis for a critique of the idea that human rights law and Sharia contradict each other.

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