Queerowanie mediów. O ponowoczesnych przestrzeniach emancypacji

Author(s):  
Paweł Rams

The virtual space (especially "the new media”) provides non-normative sexual and gender identities with a great chance to change the unfavorable social situation they live in. The possibilities of emancipation, which result from new communication technologies, necessitate the return to the widely understood political, and, at the same time, they force the remodeling and adjusting of the previously used methods of strategic activity to the new environment. In the essay, the author shows that personalized access to a multitude of sources of information and an inner agonism, which is typical of virtual ways of communication, remain the foundation of the political. The main idea is supported by an analysis of events that are the signs of a change that is happening in the sphere of the political. So, we have a pluralism, which enables one to shape their identity in a free way; as a result, one develops a different perception of one's gender identity and sexuality and the meanings they acquire in the social sphere. Then, thanks to the new media, there takes place a change in the representation of queerness, which, according to Ranciere, brings about a new way of conceptualization of queerness. This opens up a totally new horizon of activism for groups who want to change their image in the social imagination. However, it is important to fill the empty spaces between in the content and the visual form of the message, which can only be possible with the agonic and conflictual structure of the message. Finally, we should take into account the way the representation is aestheticized because it remains a key issue in the process of emancipation. The political understood as an area of limitless activity, aimed at changing the representation of non-normative persons, can also soften the subversive force of a message, or remodel it for its own benefit through the opportunistic practices of the mass media. What is more, pluralisation can turn out to be an excuse for those who promote hate, or race hate, speech.

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Mônica de Castro Maia Senna ◽  
Aline Souto Maior Ferreira ◽  
Valentina Sofia Suarez Baldo

O artigo analisa como sistemas de proteção social na América Latina têm respondido à grave situação social decorrente da pandemia de COVID-19. Pautado em estudo exploratório, o artigo toma como foco as experiências da Argentina, Brasil e México. A perspectiva de análise considera que as respostas produzidas por esses três casos às demandas sociais postas pela pandemia decorrem da interseção entre o legado prévio e estrutura institucional dos sistemas de proteção social existentes em cada país, a orientação política dos governos em exercício e a dinâmica social e política diante do contexto da crise sanitária. Verifica que nos três países, a despeito de medidas protetivas de maior ou menor abrangência e magnitude, que reforçam a proteção social existente ou introduzem novos mecanismos – todos eles temporários – a crise social própria às formações sociais latino-americanas se agravou.LATIN AMERICAN SOCIAL PROTECTION SYSTEMS AND RESPONSES TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: Argentina, Brazil and MexicoAbstractThe article analyses how social protection systems in Latina America have responded to the serious social situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Guided by an exploratory study, the paper focuses on the experiences of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. The analysis considers that the responses produced by the three cases results from the intersection between the institutional structure’s previous legacy of the social protection systems existing in each country, the political orientation of the governments in exercise and the social and political dynamics in the sanitary crisis context. It seems that, despite protective measures of greater or lesser scope and magnitude, which either reinforce the existing social protections or introduce new mechanisms – all of them temporary – the social crisis specific to Latin American social formations has worsened in the countries studied.Keywords: Social protection. COVID-19. Brazil. México. Argentina


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.


1977 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph M. Kaufert

A number of recent studies have challenged the concept of an ethnic grou as an absolute category and emphasised that ethnic identity is influenced by the context of the social situation in which the behaviour occurs.2 Analyst of migrant communities in both West Africa and the Copperbelt have documented the existence of situational ethnicity as a phenomenon in which individual or group identity is defined in terms of categories which vary in their level of inclusiveness. Situational factors have increasingly come to be viewed as influencing the individual's definition of his rôle as a member of more inclusive groups which allows him to relate to a more culturally heterogeneous community in terms of common elements of identity.3 Studies concentrating upon the political significance of ethnic identity in public interactions have also stressed that situational factors may play a more important role than cultural similarity in developing more inclusive identity groupings.4 Finally, analysts dealing with the problems of multiple ethnic loyalties have stressed that individuals and groups have an array of alternate identities from which to choose. They will adopt — or be perceived by others as maintaining — different ethnic identities in different situations.


Author(s):  
Thomas Olesen

The chapter’s premise is the social contract between media and democracy, which features strongly in the professional values of Danish journalists. Media have become so central to the political process that many refer to a mediatization of politics. At the same time, research points to a crisis of journalism with declining readership, trust, and professional authority. These challenges have been set in motion at least partly by new media consumption and production patterns. The crisis of journalism prompts two questions: is it reversing the process of mediatization, and does it erode journalism’s role as democratic watchdogs in Denmark? The chapter shows that the crisis of journalism must be considered in a comparative perspective and that the Danish media system demonstrates a degree of resilience to it. It also notes, however, that traditional media have indeed lost their privileged position as organizers of the public sphere. Rather than seeing a reversal of mediatization, it makes more sense to speak of a mediatization 2.0, and rather than identifying an erosion of the media’s watchdog role, it is more accurate to say that they now share it with a host of other agents in the current hybridized media system.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (5) ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Rybalkin

The article surveys the theories of national economy regulation introduced by eminent economists of the Stockholm School in the late XIX - early XX centuries and the social situation in Sweden during this period. The article also analyzes the transformation of Swedish economy during XX century from a relatively pure market economy to a modern “Scandinavian socialism”, focuses on the role of government agencies and the influence of the political system on this process. In addition, the paper highlights those features which, according to the author, contributed to Sweden's shift from the raw materials supplier of the leading industrial powers in the late XIX century to a current world leader in technological development.


Leonardo ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 468-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mojca Puncer

Contemporary art practices are characterized by the transformation of completed or finalized objects into open works, fluid spatial situations and relations in the social field. Art processes raise the question: Can the complex structure of artworks provide an analogy and methodology that art researchers can use to co-design our culture from anthropological, philosophical, aesthetic and sociopolitical perspectives? This paper addresses this question through an examination of the artistic use of, and critical commentary on, media and available technologies, and of the artistic treatment of life forms found in the work of the younger generation of Slovenian artists (Tratnik, Berlot, Peljhan, Lovšin and others). The strategies these artists employ in their projects significantly strengthen the case for a re-articulation of the aesthetic, the ethical and the political, through a transition in various territories: art, (biotechnological) science, technology, new media and everyday reality.


ZBORNIK MES ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Petrović ◽  
Andrija Blanuša

The political-legal perspective of the development of the republics of the former SFRY can be obtained by a precise analysis of political developments in the former SFRY, viewed from the legal aspect, and under the influence of domestic and international factors that create a political reality in each individual republic. Building and taking care of a healthy, institutionally solid, legally dignified political system of one state is a challenge for every government, and therefore the government is a creator of an image of the political system, but also of innovative, economic, diplomatic, economic activity, which in many ways determines the level of democracy, the standard of living , the degree of political culture, constitutional and legal progress, the development of local self-government, and thus forms the image of a given society viewed through the lens of the political system. After its creation, the SFRY was a supranational state, with a federal political system, formed on the ruins of the outdated monarchist form of government, it had the futuristic contours of a real reality and, per its ideological concept, was significantly ahead of the time in which it existed. It was a symbol of sociological progress, synonymous with concepts that modern authors of political-legal thought today call cosmopolitanism. In this paper a comparative method of research will be applied, and based on it, will be presented the key determinants that define the social situation in the republics of the SFRY today, altogether with the proposals for the implementation of positive experiences, as well as the proposals for overcoming the potential difficulties of certain republics that they are facing today, considering that they have successfully overcome other similar obstacles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-696
Author(s):  
Mariyamgul M. Kussainova

In the context of the accelerated development of new media and the growth of e-democracy, the mediatization of Kazakhstani politics is entering a new digital-driven stage of development. The authors approach relevance lies in studying the modern digital-driven strategy of Kazakhstani political communication and identifying methods of influence of political parties on the electorate, manipulative media forms on certain segments of the electorate from the opposition. The article presents an analysis of the main strategic resources of the politics mediatization and of their impact. Moreover, it reveals the influence tendencies of the political mediatization, the political communication in society and with party stakeholders. The author attempts to analyze the methods and formats of transmedia storytelling in the social networks on the Internet for the political leaders communication shaping, social and political dialogue building. The research material included the election campaigns of parliamentary and unregistered parties texts in Kazakhstani social media, the posts / publications on social networks during the first ever primaries in the countrys history and the parliamentary elections of 2019 and 2021.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-320
Author(s):  
Benedetta Baldi ◽  
Ludovico Franco ◽  
Leonardo M. Savoia

Abstract In this paper we aim at analysing, from a pragmatic viewpoint, the rhetoric of delegitimization of the opponent in new media insofar as it triggers individual, uncontrolled and deep-rooted forms of communications. The communicative context is that of the political controversies and the propaganda around the Italian elections of March 2018. Accusations of fake news, hate speech and other delegitimizing rhetorical tools occur within the messages distributed on social media by politicians. We are specifically interested in illustrating and examining the disposition/standpoint of public social actors, of politicians in particular, toward the (delegitimizing) effects of the spreading of foul language, hate speech and fake news as instruments for re-shaping reality and introducing an alternative reading of facts.


Author(s):  
Vuk Vučetić

In the present study we investigated the level of new media competences of BiH politicians. Therefore, in the contemporary media (over)charged society, competences of new media are, by all means, a part of a broader media literacy phenomenon as a prerequisite of development of democratic society. In our research, we observed new media competencies from the point of presence/use of social networks Facebook and Twitter in order to promote/communicate with voters. In this context, research has shown that politicians in BiH still do not recognize the social network as an integral part of the political image, and that there is a sufficient level of awareness on the role and importance of social networks as an integral part of the „new media democracy”.


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