scholarly journals Saudi Stance on Potential Iranian Threat in the Middle East

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdul, Mughis Irfan Siddeqi

This study examines the Saudis foreign policy towards Iran and the situation in Middle East due to Saudis proxies in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen. It also seeks the growing Iranian influence and interest in Middle East causing a sense of unrest for Gulf States. This article also encompasses the factors under which great Sunni alliance has been formed and the Saudis attempt to isolate Iran at least in the Islamic world. This article is conceptual in nature as it relies to a large extent on secondary sources of data i.e Print and electronic media. It also throws light on the current situation in Middle East and the religious, ideological, geostrategic concerns and geopolitical rivalry of two great nations i.e of Iran and Saudis. This paper also discusses the Saudis expectations from the west and particularly from America and growing ties of Iran with America and the west. It also highlights on silent character of Israel and the rising threat of ISIS in Middle East.  

Author(s):  
Y. Kudryashova

Turkey carried away by the role of the model for Sunni states aimed at becoming the leader of Islamic world and reestablishing the Ottoman Empire’s sphere of influence. Ankara distinctly changed priorities of its foreign policy in favor of the Middle East and pursued a course of gradual dissociation from the West subject to its own views at world and regional situation. Ankara’s task was not to exceed the limits of Western alliance, but for all that to advance at most its national interests. Turkey’s political leaders systematically used any opportunity to promote neoosmanist aspirations and the model of Turkish democracy in the Middle East and Northern Africa. The dynamic development of Turkish economy supported this process. However at this time the goals of Turkish neoosmanist policy are unachievable because of their excessive ambition and lack of resources for their realization.


Author(s):  
Harith Qahtan Abdullah

Our Islamic world passes a critical period representing on factional, racial and sectarian struggle especially in the Middle East, which affects the Islamic identification union. The world passes a new era of civilization formation, and what these a new formation which affects to the Islamic civilization especially in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon. The sectarian struggle led to heavy sectarian alliances from Arab Gulf states and Turkey from one side and Iran states and its alliances in the other side. The Sunni and Shia struggle are weaken the World Islamic civilization and it is competitive among other world civilization.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alexander Slocombe

<p>Understanding national identity through foreign policy provides a strong means of ascertaining the prevailing social constructions within a great power nation state. There is a growing need to understand the national identities of Russia and China without pre-theorising or depending on asymmetric comparative studies with regional states. China and Russia are frequently compared to their regional neighbours which undermines understanding their unique identities. There are also frequent misunderstandings of contemporary Chinese and Russian national motives, often likening the modern Russian state to the Soviet Union, or attempting to understand China as a challenger to US unipolarity. Both great powers exhibit common characteristics of authoritarianism, both have recently endured massive social and national changes, and both have global interests that manifest in the Middle East such as securing vital geostrategic resources, both states are conscious of their native Muslim populations and to be recognised as a great power identity both must demonstrate influence in the Middle East. Yet, there have been significant differences in agendas and outcomes of their foreign policy decisions. This thesis seeks to use a constructivist framework to discern Russian and Chinese identity through comparison of their respective foreign policy. Contrary to “neo-realist” and “neo-liberal” arguments that accept state interests as rational, determined by the international system, and not determined by identity, this thesis seeks not to pre-theorise but to identify how their respective actions towards three key case studies in the Middle East; the Syrian Civil Conflict, the Iranian Nuclear Framework, and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, indicate their prevailing social constructions. This thesis compares Russian and Chinese attitudes and actions towards these cases. Despite their similar disposition and principles towards international relations these two nations had significant points of difference. Drawing upon foreign policy analysis and a comparative model this thesis finds that despite the commonalities between the Russian and Chinese nations, Russian identity as great power, unique Eurasian power, and an alternative to the West, ensures a defiance of its relatively weak economic position to engage in positions of leadership in the Middle East, whilst China’s identity constructions that are common with Russia, its great power, civilisational, and alternative to the West constructions manifest despite an increasingly influential and material position in the world order, has provided little incentive to engage in meaningful ways throughout the Middle East’s recent conflicts.</p>


After the 1990, it is very important that in the immediate vicinity of the geopolitical changes that have occurred in Turkey. The first changes is Iran and Iraq on the edge. Especially the Turkey-Iran and Iraq, all kinds of geopolitical developments occurring in the triple border, to a critical value. Because the triple border Iran and Iraq by Turkey as a safety check. For this reason, has become the center of all kinds of illegal developments. Iran, conducts a policy of asymmetric after 1990, in the Caucasus, and the Middle East and Central Asia geography. This policy from time to time an anti-U.S. hostility toward the West and exacerbate. The attitude of the West and the United States due to the foreign policy of Turkey's neighbor Iran rather problematic periods. Because the entire Middle East and Central Asia, Turkey's policies on Iran, which is a pretty effective. For this reason, Iran, Turkey is a country that needs to be analyzed by far the best.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-565
Author(s):  
Olga Sergeevna Chikrizova

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Saudi model of development for the Islamic world, which Riyadh started actively promoting after the “Arab Spring”. The popular protests in the Middle East and North Africa countries, which led to the changes in the ruling regimes, opened up prospects for the states of the region to transform their own models of statehood. In this regard large regional actors such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey proposed their own models as an example for possible changing political systems and foreign policy of countries affected by unrest. The relevance of the topic of this study is determined by the fact that the current struggle for leadership in the Middle East, unfolding between Saudi Arabia and Iran, has reached a level where the rivals could influence the choice of development path of other countries, such as Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. In this regard, it is extremely important to assess the models proposed by Riyadh and Tehran, to determine the prospects for their implementation. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of the development model for the Islamic world proposed by Saudi Arabia, as well as to assess the limitations of this model. The author used both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and methods of historical science (concrete historical, comparative historical, historical genetic methods) and religion studies (causal analysis). In addition, the methodology of political science and economics was widely used. A special focus was done on the quantitative analysis of the amount of aid sent by Saudi Arabia to implement various projects in the countries of the Islamic world as part of international development assistance programs, with the aim of forming a ranking of recipient states from Riyadh. As a result of the study, the author came to the conclusion that Saudi Arabia pursues a pragmatic foreign policy strategy, in fact, not relying on Islamic principles. However, Riyadh is devoting significant financial resources to implementing programs to promote the development of the Islamic world and religious diplomacy, in which the promotion of its own “version” of Islam - Wahhabism, and more precisely Salafism, plays an important role. Among the main limitations of the Saudi model the author identified oil as the basis for modernization, since not all states have this resource and can develop their own economy on its basis; Wahhabism as a “small-town” doctrine, which can hardly be borrowed by the countries of the Islamic world, in which more moderate religious schools have traditionally dominated; absolute monarchy as a form of government, even with elements of democracy.


Author(s):  
Christian Joppke

This chapter traces the development of citizenship in immigrant-receiving states, comparing the Gulf States in the Middle East with the Western states of Europe and North America. In particular, I juxtapose these states` opposite responses to the fact of immigration, which is exclusion in the Gulf and inclusion in the West. These opposite responses articulate a structural ambivalence of citizenship, which is to be inclusive to the inside but exclusive to the outside. Among the factors conditioning inclusive or exclusive outcomes are the liberal-democratic features of Western states and the autocratic and rentier character of Gulf States.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 562-571
Author(s):  
Charles, Prince of Wales

Ladies and gentlemen, it was suggested to me when I first began toconsider the subject of this lecture that I should take comfort from theArab proverb: "In every head there is some wisdom." I confess that I havefew qualifications as a scholar to justify my presence here in this theatre,where so many people much more learned than I have preached andgenerally advanced the sum of human knowledge. I might feel moreprepared if I were an offspring of your distinguished university, ratherthan a product of that "Technical College of the Fens," though I hope youwill bear in mind that a chair of Arabic was established inseven-teenth-century Cambridge a full four years before your first chairof Arabic at Oxford.Unlike many of you, I am not an expert on Islam, though I amdelighted, for reasons that I hope will become clear, to be a vice patron ofthe Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies. The Centre has the potential to bean important and exciting vehicle for promoting and improvingunderstanding of the Islamic world in Britain, and one which I hope willearn its place alongside other centres of Islamic study in Oxford, like theOriental Institute and the Middle East Centre, as an institution of whichthe university, and scholars more widely, will become justly proud.Given all the reservations I have about venturing into a complex andcontroversial field, you may well ask why I am here in this marvelousWren building talking to you on the subject of Islam and the West. Thereason is, ladies and gentlemen, that I believe wholeheartedly that thelinks between these two worlds matter more today than ever before,because the degree of misunderstanding between the Islamic and thewest ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Raha Bistara

This article wants to explain how the concept of Islamization of science as Aufklarung for Muslims. The spread of secularism in the Islamic world has brought Muslims under the dichotomy of the West. They are trapped by Western knowledge which is skeptical on the basis of rationalism and empiricism. This epistemology is not in accordance with the spirit, the scientific spirit of Muslims. Muslims have their own epistemology of knowledge based on the principles of Islamic teachings from the Qur'an and Sunnah and the spirit of divine knowledge. Therefore Sayed Naquib al-Attas developed the concept of Islamization of science as an enlightener (Aufklarung) for Muslims. By using the library research method and using primary sources in the form of the original work of Sayed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas and secondary sources that support this research. The research is expected to answer the concept of Islamization of knowledge as an era of enlightenment (Aufklarung) which was developed by al-Attas. This Islamization becomes the basis of Islamic knowledge that must be disseminated by every individual Muslim, because they are all responsible for Islamic knowledge. Because with this enlightenment movement, Muslims will be independent and find themselves in accordance with the spirit of Islamic principles that do not follow Western knowledge. With the Aufklarung movement, throught the discourse cam develop Muslim personalities so that Muslims can give birth to goodness, Justice, and The strength of faith.


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Gresh

Since the eastward expansion of NATO dashed Moscow's early hopes of being integrated into the West, Russia has pursued an independent foreign policy focused mainly on Central Asia and the Middle East, including "rogue" states shunned by Washington. Among Russia's advantages are tens of thousands of Arabic-speaking former Soviet experts and a growing regional anti-Americanism. At the same time, Russian Muslims are becoming more assertive. Russia's dependence on the West for economic aid, however, sharply limits its margin of maneuver.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-500
Author(s):  
Mehmet Şahin

The Turkish foreign policy (TFP) after the Cold War had been based on traditional institutionalized values. In 2009, the governing party consolidated its power and additionally, the international environment provided more space for decision-makers. As a result, the government seeks to change foreign policy preferences in accordance with its agenda. This article examines this change from a neoclassical realist perspective and argues that due to lack of systemic pressure, Turkey can seek new alignments in the Middle East, rather than overlapping its interests with the West.


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