scholarly journals Legislative Cross-carpeting, Multiparty System and the Challenges of Democratic Good Governance in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Mayowa Joseph OLURO ◽  
Johnson Olawale BAMIGBOSE

The legislature is unarguably the fulcrum upon which democracy rests. Democracy, in this context, is representative government. Thus, the institution of the legislature as an assembly of elected representatives becomes the engine room of the structural framework upon which democratic governance is built. As history has shown, the beauty of legislature is greatly enhanced by a healthy multi-party system wherein elected representatives from different party backgrounds engage one another alongside party ideological positions with a view to deliberating on issue of governance and socio-economic well-being of the people. Legislative cross-carpeting in Nigeria is becoming a norm rather than exigency, and is taking a negative toll on the capacity of legislatures to fulfill their mandates as against functioning as merely rubber-stamp annexes of the executive/ruling party. This study examines the impacts of the wanton cross-carpeting, often times bereft of any ideological underpinning, that have characterized legislative assemblies in Nigeria and its implications on good governance. Among others, it concludes that concrete legal and political frameworks must be developed to check the direction of cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s legislative houses if good governance is to be entrenched.

Author(s):  
SUMITRA BADRINATHAN

Misinformation makes democratic governance harder, especially in developing countries. Despite its real-world import, little is known about how to combat misinformation outside of the United States, particularly in places with low education, accelerating Internet access, and encrypted information sharing. This study uses a field experiment in India to test the efficacy of a pedagogical intervention on respondents’ ability to identify misinformation during the 2019 elections (N = 1,224). Treated respondents received hour-long in-person media literacy training in which enumerators discussed inoculation strategies, corrections, and the importance of verifying misinformation, all in a coherent learning module. Receiving this hour-long media literacy intervention did not significantly increase respondents’ ability to identify misinformation on average. However, treated respondents who support the ruling party became significantly less able to identify pro-attitudinal stories. These findings point to the resilience of misinformation in India and the presence of motivated reasoning in a traditionally nonideological party system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani

Media, Liberty and Politics in Malaysia: Comparative Studies on Local Dynamics and Regional Concernsis based on a collection of twelve academic papers. This book traces the development and progress of Malaysia as a nation that embraces issues of media, liberty and politics as essential parts of its culture, policy and well-being of the people. In between the 2008 and the 2013 General Elections, Malaysians have transformed themselves and demanded to form a more democratic society. Issues of political freedom, human rights, good governance and human dignity have become important and will determine the future of the Malaysian society. Besides, this book also tries to compare democratic practices in Malaysia with its neighbours such as Indonesia, Thailand and Australia, plus the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organisation to promote democratisation and strong ties between its members. This book is suitable for all particularly the academics, students of politics and international relations, journalists, legal practitioners, and the general public who are interested in the issues of media, liberty and politics in Malaysia.


ICR Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-91
Author(s):  
Elmira Akhmetova

This article provides a brief study of democracy in the five Central Asian countries, i.e. Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. It suggests that the expected democratisation of Central Asia failed to occur due to the regions internal conditions, which can be termed the classic colonial syndrome, in addition to several international factors. The Central Asian countries did not have the potential to find their own way in the international arena, simply maintaining their traditional Soviet way of rule under the new name of democracy. The paper also finds that the Central Asian approach to Islam at both state and individual level is a crucial tool of identity construction as well as an instrument of authority, control and suppression of political opposition. Yet, Islam played almost no role in the failure of democracy in the region. This article states that the application of instruments of democracy alone cannot make nations democratic or provide well-being and justice for the people. Democracy is about sets of values and principles aimed at achieving good governance. Thus, democracy should be considered as a tool and structure on the path of achieving societal well-being, rather than as the main objective of governance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
phoenix

Democratic governance requires the existence of good governance, human rights, and democracy. Obtaining the standard of democratic governance is needed by Indonesia to be internationally accepted. Nonetheless, Indonesia’s record on human rights leads to the understanding that this country has to pay high attention to human rights. Five elements can be contested to evaluate the position of Indonesia in achieving democratic governance. Democracy, in general, is often called from the people by the people and for the people, the people as the majority have a voice in determining the process of formulating government policies through available channels. Several elements must be considered in democratic governance, namely, people's sovereignty, majority power, government based on the approval of those who are ordered, equality before the law, and no less important is the guarantee of human rights to realize a democratic government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-130
Author(s):  
Nikolai B. Afanasov

The article examines one of the many philosophical problems that arise in the discussion on the prospects of unconditional basic income implementation. The author believes that the question of the future of labor should be reviewed in a social-philosophical perspective. The analytical potential of philosophical thinking can be useful in predicting the consequences of implementing the basic income initiative. The article proceeds from the premise that in the 21 st century the idea of basic income application turns from a utopian project into real measures roadmap. The economic well-being provided by the widespread use of technical means makes it possible to seriously plan the transfer of many workers employed in the sector of services and non-material production to basic income. The author points out that first of all it is necessary to assess the consequences of such a measure for the people. Traditionally, capitalist society has been built around a narrative that hard work is well rewarded. The opposition of labor and free time has shaped consumption patterns and life strategies for several generations. In the conclusion, the author suggests to consider whether, by removing such a system-forming element from the social structure, the society itself will be put under threat. It may turn out that an initiative aimed at changing society for the better will actually turn out to become a personal disaster for many people who will not be able to find a use for themselves in the new world, which is already not built around labor. Among other things, the author draws attention that contemporary capitalism, by actualizing the idea of basic income, abolishes the very opportunity of human choice. Virtually all human activity transforms into alienated labor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Endah Rantau Itasari

Border governance is a necessity for Indonesia as an archipelagic country bordering maritime and / or land with other countries. Indonesia is located geographically between two continents and two oceans and no less than 17,504 islands. the border region has a very strategic multifunctionality. Politically, border areas provide legal certainty for internal and external sovereignty, both in the context of managing government administration and applying national law and in engaging with other countries. The existence of clarity of this border region will also provide legal certainty for a country for the utilization and management of natural resources contained in its territory for the benefit of the prosperity of the whole community. Border management must also be aimed at the prosperity of the people, especially those living on the border. The development of socio- economic activities to improve the socio-economic well-being of people at the border is very important because it will directly and indirectly strengthen the security aspects at the border. As a & quot;front page & quot; the creation of prosperity at the border will contribute positively to the conditions of security and defense, both regionally and nationally.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helge Kjekshus

The introduction of the one-party system in Tanzania in 1965 was in part explained as a means of rescuing the National Assembly or Bunge from decline and decay. This institution had become a rubber stamp, according to the Presidential Commission, making few meaningful contributions to the system of government: debates had become ‘lifeless and superficial’, and legislation was passed rapidly and uncritically, ‘without challenge to basic principles or careful examination of detailed provisions’. The President had appropriately raised the question of whether the National Assembly should be formally removed from the structure of the state, or amalgamated with that of the ruling party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Bimal Prasad Lamichhane

Good governance is about fair application of authority and utilization of resources in implementing coherent governing plan for the best interests and priorities of the people at large. It aims at protection and promotion of rights, welfare and well-being of the citizens through legitimized democratic governance under rule of law. It is avenues for peace, crime control, fairness of public decision with legal certainty and equality. It avails bridled governmental power, qualified administration, and a system of fraud and corruption-free state operation. In Nepali context, The Constitution of Nepal 2015, Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority Act 1991, The Prevention of Corruption Act 2002, Public Procurement Act 2007 and Rules 2008, Good Governance Act 2008, Right to Information Act 2007 and Rules 2009, Local Government Operation Act 2017etc. are the primarily statutory measures to ensure good governance in Nepal. But the legal provisions and practice is not sufficient for ensuring good governance in Nepal. Some remarks on the application of these laws to an end of good governance have been overviewed by apex court in this relation. This article explores the concept as well as elements of good governance and descriptively analyzes various laws, case laws and principles developed by the Supreme Court of Nepal in the issue of good governance. This paper also aims at assessing the strengths and weaknesses of these laws and judicial practices from the internationally accepted good governance norms and principles. 


2018 ◽  
pp. 65-78
Author(s):  
L.M. Singhvi

This chapter is based on different aspects of working of the public governance system in India as well as certain measures to improve the quality of the democratic governance system in the country. Good governance is a constitutional right of the people of India, states Dr Singhvi in his oration. Dr Singhvi was a great advocate of good governance and decentralization. He believed that small states are vehicles of good governance in the country. We have finally opted out of what was derisively called the Hindu rate of growth. We have a vision 2020, a vision of growth and strength, but will our democratic governance deliver on that vision? If our pravasis could do it in other countries why can we in partnership with them and the entrepreneurs around the world do it in India?


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