scholarly journals El català en la premsa local del primer terç del segle XX. El cas d’Algemesí

Author(s):  
Lluís Escartí Carrasco

Resum: El present treball és un estudi sobre quatre setmanaris bilingües d’Algemesí (València) del primer terç del segle XX: Pim, Pam, Pum (1911), La Canariera (1913), La Ribera (1917) i Llevant (1931); tot parant una atenció especial als aspectes lingüístics, sociolingüístics i literaris.En una primera part hi ha una contextualització de la premsa valenciana de principis de segle, en la qual s’estudien les publicacions locals, la premsa en català, la premsa satírica i la d’ideologia valencianista, així com les seues característiques i publicacions més destacades.En la segona part del treball s’analitza les quatre publicacions objecte d’estudi: la seua ideologia, els temes i continguts tractats, els gèneres, així com els aspectes lingüístics més destacats pel que fa a l’ús del català. Així mateix, es posen en relació amb el tipus de premsa del moment i amb el context polític, social i cultural. Paraules clau: premsa local, premsa en català, publicacions periòdiques, premsa valenciana, publicacions Algemesí Abstract: The present paper analyzes four bilingual weekly newspapers published in the first third of the twentieth century in Algemesí (Valencia, Spain): Pim, Pam, Pum (1911), La Canariera (1913), La Ribera (1917) i Llevant (1931); specially focusing on linguistic, socio-linguistic and literary aspects.In the first part there is a contextualization of Valencian press in the beginning of the twentieth century containing a study of local publications, Catalan press, satiric press and political Valencianism press, where characteristics and main titles are reported. The second part analyzes the four publications mentioned: ideology, themes, contents, genres… as well as most important language issues regarding the use of Catalan. They are also related to the press of that time and to the political, social and cultural context. Key words: local press, Catalan press, periodicals, Valencian press, publications in Algemesí

2016 ◽  
pp. 291-308
Author(s):  
Lorena Guerrero ◽  
José Alejandro Cifuentes

El siguiente artículo abarca los aspectos políticos durante el régimen militar de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla como contexto de la prensa producida por el Partido Comunista Colombiano. Se analiza la revista Documentos Políticos del Partido Comunista de Colombia, por ser un ejemplo de oposición ante aquel periodo antidemocrático. Es así como, mediante un recorrido histórico de aquel periodo, en el que las libertades democráticas fueron restringidas, podemos dar a conocer el trabajo intelectual y político de un grupo de la izquierda colombiana. Además, resaltamos el carácter testimonial de esta publicación a la hora de abordar una historia de la izquierda en Colombia, y más concretamente una historia del Partido Comunista en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Palabras claves: prensa, izquierda, revista comunista, oposición al Régimen militar, comunistas   Abstract Alternative and Leftist Press: The Case of the Magazine Documentos Políticos in the Final Period of La Violencia The following article covers the political aspects during the military regime of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, as a context to the press produced by the Colombian Communist Party. It analyzes the magazine Documentos Políticos (Political Papers) published by the Communist Party of Colombia, since it is an example of opposition to that antidemocratic period. Thus, by means of a systematic historical approach of that period, in which democratic freedoms were restricted, we can better understand the intellectual and political work of a group of the Colombian left. Furthermore, we highlight the testimonial character of this publication when addressing the history of the left in Colombia, and more specifically the history of the Communist Party in the second half of the twentieth century. Key words: Press, the left, communist magazine, opposition to the military regime, communist


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
Serhii Svitlenko

The relevance of this topic is seen in the fact that its study provides an opportunity to deepen the understanding of the underdeveloped problem of perpetuating the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko – a symbol of the Ukrainian nation's struggle for social and national freedom as an important factor in opposing the imperial regime. Tsarism by methods of ideological, gendarmerie-police, censorship pressure in every way prevented the activation of conscious Ukrainians in the early twentieth century. The aim of the study is to study the perpetuation of the memory of Taras Shevchenko in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region in the early twentieth century. The results of the article are that based on the study of archival and published documents, journalistic materials of the press and memoirs, various methods of legal and illegal activity of the Ukrainian national movement in preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko were reconstructed. It is emphasized that the progressive public widely celebrated the 40th anniversary of Kobzar's death in the press. In the early twentieth century Ukrainian activists raised the issue of erecting a monument to Shevchenko, continued the tradition of visiting the tomb of the Ukrainian poet, tried to perpetuate his memory in toponymy, participated in Shevchenko's memorial services, resorted to illegal gatherings in honor of Kobzar, mentioned him during meetings and communication in among the intelligentsia. The originality and scientific novelty of the article in the production and development of insufficiently researched plot on historical Shevchenko studies, actualization and conceptualization of various concrete-historical material. Conclusions were made on various forms and methods of struggle to preserve the memory of Taras Shevchenko, which contributed to the establishment of national consciousness among Ukrainians, strengthened the political tendency in the Ukrainian national movement.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-76
Author(s):  
Michael Meadows

The last decade of the twentieth century has seen some highly significant symbolic advances for Indigenous people in Australia and Canada representing golden opportunities for their respective governments to advance the reconciliation process. But the political will to capitalise on them has varied enormously. This paper focuses on two case studies drawn from Australia and Canada which look at Indigenous people's continuing struggle for land rights.


Author(s):  
Тaras Polovyi

The article is devoted to the problem of Belarusian-Russian integration. The author attempted to analyze the nature and specifics of the Belarusian-Russian rapprochement. We determined that in the beginning of the 1990s it was the Belarusian side that initiated the integration processes. However, starting from the 2000s, Russian initiatives did not coincide with the interests of the Belarusian leadership, which led to further contradictions in bilateral relations. It is proved that at the present stage neither Belarusian nor Russian society is interested in unification into the Union State. It is noted that the current crisis in relations between Minsk and Moscow is not economic but political in nature and can threaten the destabilization of the situation in Belarus and can lead to further escalation. It is established that in parallel with integration, processes related to the expansion of cooperation with other countries are taking place in Belarus, the search for investments that are aimed at decreasing the political and economic influence of Russia. Key words: Republic of Belarus; Russian Federation; Belarusian-Russian integration; the Union State; Belarusian sovereignty; deepening of integration; crisis of integration.


Author(s):  
Judite Primo

The text seeks to present the complex relationships between the different notions of state, along the modern and postmodern period and the place and the role played by museums. Emphasize the importance of the political, social, educational and cultural context was the construction of the museum as a public space in Europe and consequently in most western countries since the French Revolution to the present day. In contemporary notions of heritage and its processes, identity, socialization, role play, communication and education are part of the museum universe whether traditional museums whether socially committed museums. Given the processes of globalization and cultural hybridization, the museums are scenes for discussions on the issues of territoriality, new categories of assets as well as new understandings of users / beneficiaries of the museum institution. Key words: Heritage; Memory, cultural hybridization; Sociomuseology; cultural policy


STUDIUM ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 161-193
Author(s):  
Agustín Fernández Escudero

Resumen El carlismo de los primeros años del siglo xx estaba dirigido por Matías Barrio y Mier, un tradicionalista, abogado y catedrático, al que don Carlos —Carlos VII para los carlistas—, nombró su delegado en diciembre de 1899, tras la dimisión del marqués de Cerralbo. Este profesor continuó ejerciendo la representación carlista hasta su muerte en junio de 1909, dejando un partido que había superado la crisis de 1900 y que buscaba su propio espacio público. Por otro lado, se ha visto que a don Carlos en aquellos años le preocupaba, más que la situación política o económica de España, constatar que no estaba dispuesto a abdicar en su hijo don Jaime y que, en la última sublevación carlista de 1900, él no había tenido participación. Por tanto, se ha considerado necesario mostrar la defensa que hacía el pretendiente de sus derechos dinásticos, contextualizándola con los cruciales momentos de la Historia de España en los años de la delegación de Barrio y Mier. Palabras clave: carlismo, don Carlos, Barrio y Mier, don Jaime, Feliú, marqués de Cerralbo   Abstract The carlism of early twentieth century. Carlism directed by Matías Barrio y Mier, a traditionalist, a lawyer and professor, which don Carlos, Charles VII to the Carlists, named his deputy in December 1899, following the demission of the Marquis of Cerralbo. This teacher continued to exercise the Carlist representation until his death in June 1909, leaving a party that had overcome the crisis of 1900 and sought their own public space. On the other hand, it has been seen that don Carlos in those years was concerned, rather than the political situation or economic of Spain, finding that it was not willing to abdicate in his son don Jaime and the last Carlist uprising in 1900, he had not been involved. Therefore, it was considered necessary to show the defense that made the suitor of his dynastic rights, contextualizing the crucial moments in the history of Spain in the years of the delegation of Barrio y Mier. Key words: carlism, don Carlos, Barrio y Mier, don Jaime, Feliú, Marquis of Cerralbo


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Trisna Awaludin Harisman ◽  
Raden Muhammad Mulyadi ◽  
Widyo Nugrahanto

Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui latar belakang pembredelan surat kabar Pikiran Rakjat pada 1965 setelah munculnya peraturan bagi pers untuk berafiliasi dengan partai atau organisasi politik tertentu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah kritis yang terdiri dari empat tahapan kerja: heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada awal tahun 1965, kegiatan pers surat kabar Pikiran Rakjat sempat diberhentikan oleh pemerintah disebabkan terlambatnya surat kabar ini untuk terlibat dalam aktivitas politik. Pada 24 Maret 1966 atas dorongan Pangdam Siliwangi para wartawan yang di wakili Sakti Alamsyah sepakat untuk melakukan kerjasama untuk menerbitkan surat kabar Angkatan Bersenjata Edisi Jawa Barat. Belum setahun surat kabar ini terbit, Kementeriaan Penerangan mencabut kembali peraturan tentang afialiasi dalam dunia politik. Kondisi ini menyebabkan pada 24 Maret 1967 surat kabar Angkatan Bersenjata Edisi Jawa Barat berubah nama menjadi Harian Umum Pikiran Rakjat dibawah pemimpin umum redaksi yaitu Sakti Alamsyah.    The purpose of this study is to determine the background to the banning of the Pikiran Rakjat Newspaper in 1965. The ban came after the government issued a regulation of requiring the press to be affiliated with certain political parties or organizations. This study uses a critical historical research method consisting of four stages of work, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study show evidence that in the beginning of 1965 the government banned the newspaper because it was considered too late to engage in political activity. At the instigation of Commander of Military Regional Command/Siliwangi, it was on 24 March 1966 that journalists represented by Sakti Alamsyah agreed to cooperate in publishing Angkatan Bersenjata Newspaper West Java edition. However, when it was not yet a year old, the Ministry of Information revoked the regulations on obligating the press to affiliate with the political world. It was on March 24, 1967 that Angkatan Bersenjata Newspaper West Java edition consequently changed its name to Harian Umum Pikiran Rakjat and was operated under the editor-in-chief Sakti Alamsyah.


Author(s):  
Edward Caudill

This book traces the history of creationism not only as a science–religion issue, but also as a political movement that skillfully engaged the press with a campaign against evolution grounded in American myths. It examines how the Scopes trial, and more specifically the ideas of its primary combatants, Clarence Darrow and William Jennings Bryan, became the template—politically, scientifically, theologically—for all subsequent evolution–religion clashes. It shows how creationists harnessed the power of mass media to legitimize their antievolution rhetoric, allowing them to win over a large proportion of the populace. By appealing to individual rights of freedom of expression and freedom of religion, the heroism of rebellion, the virtue of individualism, and the allure of the “frontier” whether geographic or scientific, twentieth-century creationists were able to find their way into the political mainstream as they continue to attack modernism and evolution.


Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


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