scholarly journals Contribution of Siddi Lebbe for Educational Development of Sri Lankan Muslims – A Historical perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Mujahid ALM

Mr. Siddilebbe was one of the great personalities of Sri Lanka. He was a lawyer, educationist, scholar, philosopher, divination, writer, publisher, social reformer, proctor, visionary and Muslim community leader. Also as the leader of Sri Lankan Muslim community, he guided the Muslims to be released from the traditional conservative thoughts of refusing modernization to forward looking one in order to survive in the prevailing contemporary situation. During the era of Siddi Lebbe, the Muslims face a huge drawback in all the fields such a political, economic and social. The service rendered by Mr Siddi Lebbe were widespread and countless in the fields of politics, economy, education, culture and religion of Sri Lankan Muslims. We can figure out these facts when we analyze and asses his works and services accomplished by him having considered the prevailed situations of Muslims in the 19th century. Thus the ultimate aim of this research is to bring to light the contributions made by Mr Siddi Lebbe to the development of motherland, to both Muslims and the other brotherly communities. Furthermore, I hope this would be secondary date based research and useful for those who engage in researches about the great scholar Mr Siddi Lebbe.

Author(s):  
Anvar Ajratovich Gafarov ◽  
Mariam Arslanovna Galeeva

Starting from the middle of the 16-th century, during the foreign policy expansion increase, the ethno-confessional diversity of the Russian state was steadily increasing. The imperial policy aimed at assimilating non-Russian peoples sharply raised the issue of their identity preservation. For domestic Muslims, an important factor in cultural and confessional identity provision was the preservation and development of their traditional ties with the Islamic world. Various political, economic, cultural, and other contacts maintained with the countries of the Muslim East have become the basis for the stability of the Muslim community in Russia under imperial pressure. In this system, a special role was originally played by the Hajj (Muslim pilgrimage to the holy places in the Hejaz), which the official administration had to reckon with. The aim of the proposed study is to identify socio-political aspects, socio-political conditions, and the specifics of the Hajj implementation in the 19th century. After the analysis of office documentation, travel notes of Muslim pilgrims, and expert assessments of orientalists, the authors concluded that, despite the increasing opposition from the authorities, the significance of the Hajj intensifies in the 19th century. Hajj became not only the factor of opposition to imperial acculturation, but also a channel for presentation the ideas of renewal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jajang A. Rohmana

This study reveals on fatwas concerning cigarettes in the Archipelago in the 19th century. The primary source is an Arabic manuscript from Kuningan, West Java, digitized by DREAMSEA, entitled “Bāb fī Bayān Ḥukm Shurb al-Dukhān”. It does not only use arguments from sharia, the interpretation of ulama, and health reasons but also refers to myths and conspiracies. This study finds that this manuscript mentions the existence of ḥaram (prohibited) and makrūh (not legally forbidden but discouraged) on cigarettes referring to two Egyptian ulama in the 17th century. Through analyzing fiqh and social history, this philological study discloses the connection between its author with the Egyptian’s ulama networks as a new center for ideas of Islamic civilization aside from Haramayn. Hence, the arguments of the manuscript openly consider many aspects of sharia in responding to such a new tradition (cigarettes) in the Muslim community. This is different from similar manuscripts discussing this kind of fatwa in the 19th century which only judge as haram so that it is considered politically as a form of a critique against the colonial’ tobacco business policies.


Author(s):  
O.E. Fedorenko ◽  
К.V. Коlyadenko

An epidemic of any infectious disease is an invisible ruthless enemy that cannot be defeated by military, political, economic or ideological means. Humanity always reacts to such threats quite nervously and subconsciously tries to mythologize them, at least a little, in order to somehow psychologically protect itself from the real fear of imminent death. Since there is no rational defense against such a threat, people for the most part react in an irrational manner.The 19th century, almost the same as the previous centuries, «started» in epidemiological terms almost from the very beginning of its calendar. Only in contrast to the previous 18th century, the main and dominant danger was posed by another infectious pathology — cholera.In the history of medicine, over the 19th century, as many as six outbreaks of cholera epidemics were recorded since 1817. The first of them began in East Bengal and lasted 8 years (1817—1824), gradually, covering almost all India and big regions of the Middle East. It was worsened by the traditional travels of both Hindu and Muslim pilgrims to «holy places» who spread Vibrio cholerae on foot and through active communication with local residents.One of the significant reasons why cholera epidemic continued with minimal interruptions for almost the entire nineteenth century was an insufficient level of scientific knowledge in microbiology and the resulting ignorance of the causative agent of cholera — vibrio and its properties.Another factor was a complete lack of understanding by society of the need to observe at least the simplest sanitary standards in everyday life. And there was also misunderstanding among the leadership which tried to limit the next outbreak of cholera mainly by administrative measures without adequate explanations of their essence and necessity to the population.


Author(s):  
Kristian Petersen

Chapter 1 sketches a brief history of Muslims in China to aid in understanding the development of Sino-Islamic scholarship and the shifting contours of this tradition. The establishment of local religious institutions and a unique body of Chinese literature was predicated by the changing attitudes of foreign and local Muslims in relation to political, economic, and cultural policies. The chapter focuses on the transmission of Islam to China as it affected the development of Islamic thought, and situate this process within the Chinese cultural environment and then in the broader Eurasian context, focusing on global relationships and interactions across geographical boundaries. Locally, dynastic history shaped the Sino-Muslim community and their scholarly production, while developments abroad provided episodic intellectual nourishment. In this discussion, I also spar with some theoretical challenges that arise in any analysis of Asian Muslim communities—namely, the processes of Islamization, vernacularization, and syncretism.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 730-753 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bart Klem

This article bridges Sri Lankan studies and the academic debate on the relation between contemporary Islam and politics. It constitutes a case study of the Muslim community in Akkaraipattu on Sri Lanka's war-ridden east coast. Over two decades of ethnically colored conflict have made Muslim identity of paramount importance, but the meanings attached to that identity vary substantively. Politicians, mosque leaders, Sufis and Tablighis define the ethnic, religious and political dimensions of “Muslimness” differently and this leads to intra-Muslim contradictions. The case study thus helps resolve the puzzle of Sri Lankan Muslims: they are surrounded by hostility, but they continue to be internally divided. Akkaraipattu's Muslims jockey between principled politics, pragmatic politics and anti-politics, because they have to navigate different trajectories. This article thus corroborates recent studies on Islam elsewhere that argue for contextualized and nuanced approaches to the variegated interface between Islam and politics.


Author(s):  
Jagabandhu Sarkar

Swami Vivekananda was the pioneer of the 19th century renaissance by religious revolution in India. He was one of the foremost leaders who were very much concerned about the poor and subjugated persons of the society. Vivekananda realized that there is need of reformation in society. Vivekananda wanted to revive the lost confidence of the common people in society. He visited extensively within the country to understand their problem. He wanted to eliminate all the social evils of the society which are major obstacles for the mankind. These social evils are poverty in general, untouchability, illiteracy, intolerance, religious superstitions etc. He always pleaded for the fraternity, humanity and harmony. He realized that the ultimate goal can be achieved through self-development of human values, not only by laws. In this short discourse, I would like to highlight Vivekanada’s philosophical realization towards the mankind and his ideo of Rerormation. KEYWORDS- Reformation, Untouchability, Self-realization, Harmony, Humanism, Brahman, Narayana, Brotherhood.


Author(s):  
Olga Laskowska

Although Sri Lanka was a site of colonization of the Portuguese, Dutch and (under the treaty of Amiens in 1802) British, it was the English language that had the strongest infl uence on the indigenous population of the island as the earlier colonizers were less interested in disseminating their culture. Taking into consideration the fact that English was established in Sri Lanka by missionaries and British officers, it can be assumed that the language brought to the island of Ceylon was the Standard English of the turn of the 19th century. Exploiting data from International Corpus of English – Sri Lanka and articles on Sri Lankan English, the present study contains a comparison of contemporary Sri Lankan English and the English of the period when the language was brought to the Island (early 19th century). Thus, an effort is made to show the conservative features of the language of the first British settlers, which survive in English spoken in contemporary Sri Lanka.


Intizar ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 297
Author(s):  
Muhammad Noupal

Setidaknya ada beberapa hal penting dalam tulisan ini; pertama, perkembangan tarekat Naqsabandiyah pada abad 19 terjadi secara luas. Tidak hanya di Indonesia tetapi di hampir seluruh wilayah muslim. Hal ini disebabkan karena dominasi faham wujudiyah (tasawuf falsafi) yang melekat pada tarekat Syattariyah mulai ditinggalkan oleh masyarakat muslim akibat serangan gencar kaum tradisionalis (tasawuf sunni). Proses peralihan dalam kurun ini menyebabkan tarekat Naqsabandiyah menjadi diminati. Kedua, kritik pedas kaum tradisionalis juga dilakukan oleh para ulama fikih kepada bid’ah tarekat. Kesesuaian dengan al-Quran dan sunnah seperti yang menjadi landasan tasawuf sunni akhirnya membuat tarekat Naqsabandiyah (dan terekat non faham wujudiyah) diminati oleh masyarakat muslim. Ketiga, kekhawatiran pemerintah kolonial Belanda terhadap tarekat, terutama Naqsabandiyah saat itu, diarahkan kepada tarekat dalam arti politik, termasuk di dalamnya gerakan Pan-Islamisme. Tetapi sepanjang tidak berpolitik, pihak konial tidak membatasi tarekat.At least there are some important things in this article; First, the development of widespread Naqsabandiyah congregation in the 19th century. It happens not only in Indonesia but also in almost all Muslim lands. This is due to the dominance of ideology Wujudiyah (Sufism philosophical) attached to Syattariyah congregation begins to be abandoned by the Muslim community as a result of the onslaught of the traditionalists (Sufism of Sunni). The process of transition in this period leads Naqsabandiyah to be desirable. Second, harsh criticism of the traditionalists is also done by the jurists to heretical congregation. Compliance with the Quran and the Sunnah as the basis of Sufism Sunni finally made Naqsabandiyah congregation (and congregation of non wujudiyah’s thought) demand by the Muslim community. Thirdly, the Dutch colonial government fears the congregation, especially Naqsabandiyah. Then, it is directed to the congregation in a political sense, including the movement of Pan-Islamism. But as long as there are no politics, colonial party does not restrict the congregation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-418
Author(s):  
Abdurrahman İslamoğlu

Najib el-Kîlânî, who lived in Egypt from 1931 to 1995, is one of the important figures in Islamic literature. He dabbled in literature when he was young and wrote about a hundred works. The period he lived and the countries he visited gave him the opportunity to get to know the problems faced by the Islamic society. The author depicted these problems that he witnessed in his works. Najib el-Kîlânî, who focuses on the social, political, economic and religious problems of the Muslim community in his literary works, deals with 1973 Egypt-Israel war in his novel “Ramazan Habîbî” that is the focal point of our research. The novel is about the expansionist policy of the Jews, the unjust oppression they faced and the struggle of the Egyptian people against America's hypocrisy. In the novel, the struggle of the Egyptian people against Israel for the liberation of the Sinai Desert and the Suez Canal, the occupied lands, is told. It is about the war between the Arabs and Israel in 1973, known as the Ramazan War (Yom Kippur War). It relates the overnight seizure of the “Bar-Lev Line”, which Israel says is impassable. In this study, Najib el-Kîlânî’s novel “Ramazan Habîbî” will be examined technically and thematically within the framework of issues such as the cultural corruption experienced by the Arab society, their approach to Zionism and the problem of the sense of belonging for their homeland.


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