Polskie cywilne duszpasterstwo prawosławne w Niemczech Zachodnich w latach 1945–1951

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 81-112
Author(s):  
Jerzy Grzybowski
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
West Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Ethnic Factor

The article discusses the history of the formation and activity of the Polish orthodox chaplaincy in the three western occupation zones of Germany after World War II. At that time, there were hundreds of thousands of refugees from Poland in the area. In terms of religion they constituted a mosaic. The followers of the Orthodox Church were the second largest group after the Catholics. The authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile felt obliged to provide these people with religious care. Led by Archbishop Sawa (Sowietov), priests carried out the ministry in Germany. The author has analyzed the political and social conditions in which the structures of the Polish Orthodox Church in refugee camps in West Germany were organized and functioned. The author has also presented the influence of the ethnic factor on the activity of the Polish Orthodox clergy.

scholarly journals World War II in modern interpretations of Russian and Polish politicians

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
World War ◽  
Red Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.

Money and the Ghetto, Money in the Ghetto

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-499
Author(s):  
Destin Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
Racial Capitalism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Forms Of Violence ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This essay revisits Making the Second Ghetto to consider what Arnold Hirsch argued about the relationship between race, money, and the ghetto. It explores how Hirsch’s analysis of this relationship was at once consistent with those penned by other urban historians and distinct from those interested in the political economy of the ghetto. Although moneymaking was hardly the main focus, Hirsch’s engagement with “Vampire” rental agencies and panic peddlers laid the groundwork for an analysis that treats the post–World War II metropolis as a crucial node in the history of racial capitalism. Finally, this essay offers a way to connect local forms of violence to the kinds of constraints imposed by financiers far removed from the city itself.

The Political History of American Food Aid

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Riley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Food Aid ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
History Of

This book discusses the 220-year history of the political and humanitarian uses of American food as a tool of both foreign and domestic policy. During these years, food aid has been used as a weapon against the expansion of bolshevism after World War I and communism after World War II, a cudgel to force policy changes by recalcitrant recipient governments, a method for balancing disputes between Israel and Egypt, a backdoor means of increasing military aid to Southeast Asia during the Vietnam War, a signal of support to friendly governments, and a resource to help achieve economic development in food-insecure countries. At home, international food aid has, at times, been used to dump troublesome food surpluses abroad and has served politicians as a tool to secure the votes of farming constituents and the political support of agriculture-sector lobbyists, commodity traders, transporters, and shippers. Most important in the minds of many, it has been the most visible—and most popular—means of providing humanitarian aid to tens of millions of hungry men, women, and children confronted, on distant shores, by war, terrorism, and natural cataclysms and the resulting threat—if not the reality—of famine and death. The book investigates the little-known, not well-understood, and often highly contentious political processes that have converted fields of grains, crops of pulses, and herds of livestock into the tools of U.S. government policy.

Troubling Territory: West Germany in the European Airwaves

2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-93
Author(s):  
Alexander Badenoch
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Second World War ◽  
West Germany ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Products ◽  
History Of ◽  
Second World

Until recently, broadcasting in Europe has been seen by historians and broadcasters alike as intricately related to national territory. Starting immediately after the Second World War, when West German national territory was still uncertain, this article explores how the broadcasting space of the Federal Republic (FRG) shaped and was shaped by material, institutional, and discursive developments in European broadcasting spaces from the end of World War II until the early 1960s. In particular, it examines the border regimes defined by overlapping zones of circulation via broadcasting, including radio hardware, signals and cultural products such as music. It examines these spaces in part from the view of the European Broadcasting Union (EBU), the federation of (then) Western public service broadcasters in Europe. By reconstructing the history of broadcasting in the Federal Republic within the frame of attempts to regulate European broadcasting spaces, it aims to show how territorial spaces were transgressed, transformed, or reinforced by the emerging global conflict.

Tatarstan: Adjusting to life in Putin's Russia

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Graney
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Soviet Rule ◽  
Interesting Aspect ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic

A little-noted but interesting aspect of the Russian annexation of Crimea in March 2014 was Vladimir Putin's government's attempt to enlist officials from the Republic of Tatarstan to smooth the transition of Crimea back to Russian rule. It makes sense — the Crimean and Volga Tatars are ethnic, linguistic, and religious kin, and both trace their history of statehood back to the Golden Horde successor khanates of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The Crimean Khanate maintained its independence far longer than Kazan was able to; while the defeat of Kazan in 1552 marked the beginning of the expansion of the modern Russian Empire under Ivan IV, the Crimean Khanate retained some form of autonomy until nearly the end of the eighteenth century. During the ensuing years, the fortunes of the two peoples and their states reversed yet again; Tatarstan emerged from Soviet rule as a powerful actor determined to make the new Russian Federation truly a federal state in practice as well as on paper (in part by invoking the heritage of the Kazan Khanate). In contrast the Crimean Tatars, never having recovered demographically or politically from their forced exile to Central Asia by Stalin during World War II, struggled to establish some form of cultural and political autonomy as part of a newly independent Ukraine.

scholarly journals W kręgu badań nad dziejami emigracyjnego parlamentaryzmu Recenzja publikacji: Depozyt Niepodległości. Rada Narodowa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej na uchodźstwie (1939–1991), red. Zbigniew Girzyński, Paweł Ziętara

2020 ◽  
Vol 5(160) ◽  
pp. 221-228
Author(s):  
Paweł Gotowiecki
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
National Council ◽  
World War ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Current State ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Of Research ◽  
Post War

The reviewed publication contains post-conference materials, presented during the conference held in 2016 in Warsaw, entitled “The Deposit of Independence. National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile (1939–1991)”. The volume consists of 18 articles, published in chronological and topical order, devoted to the selected issues of the history of the Polish parliamentarianism in exile during World War II and in the post-war period. The authors of the articles discussed various aspects of the activities of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, such as the participation of national minorities in the work of the quasi-parliament, biographies of the chosen parliamentarians, or the selected elements of “parliamentary practices”. This publication is not a synthesis but it supplements and develops the current state of research on the activities of the Polish quasi-parliamentary institutions in exile.

scholarly journals Polsko-rumuńskie konferencje w Suczawie

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 171-196
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Nowak
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Polish Literature ◽  
The Past ◽  
Local Dialect ◽  
History Of ◽  
Romanian Literature

From 1999 Polish and Romanian humanists face each other on conferences in Suceava (Romanian Bucovina) which are part of “Polish Days” in Romania organized by the Association of Poles in Romania. Polish and Romanian historians, ethnographers, sociologists, politologists and linguists deliver lectures and discuss Polish-Romanian contacts and relations in the past and present. from the Polish part many historical lectures concern the interwar period and the problem of Polish refugees in Romania during the World War II. In the period between1918–1945 the relations between Poles and Romanians were rather friendly and now these topics are discussed most frequently. Among the Romanian historians there are more specialists on the relations between Moldova and the Polish Kingdom till the end of 18th century. Many historians focus on the Polish-Romanian relations in the years 1945–1989. Most of the lectures concerning the political present were delivered by the Poles. Cultural sections of the conference concentrate on mutual language influences, Polish–Romanian literature contacts, translations of Polish literature into Romania and Romanian literature into Poland, the analyses of literary works, Polish studies in Romania and Romanian studies in Poland, the perception of Romanian culture among the Poles and vice versa, the problems of religions, education, libraries, music and tourism. Polish etnographers concentrate on the problems of Polish Bucovinians but the most discussed subject is not the history of Polish Bucovinians but their local dialect. Most of the conference lectures were printed. “Polish Days” in Suceava are the most important event organized by the very active Association of Poles in Romania and they help breaking the stereotypes and enhance the integration between the Poles and Romanians.. In general the conferences in Suceava do not have their equivalent in the contacts between humanists of other countries.

Local Ecosystems and Social Conditions of Innovative Enterprise

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-97
Author(s):  
Antonio Andreoni ◽  
William Lazonick
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
World War ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Innovative Enterprise

This chapter integrates the theory and history of localized economic development by summarizing the experiences of three iconic industrial districts: a) the Lancashire cotton textile district which in the last half of the nineteenth century enabled Britain to become the ‘workshop of the world’; b) the globally competitive towns and cities specializing in a variety of light industries, especially in the Emilia Romagna regional district, that, as the ‘Third Italy’, brought economic modernity to that nation in the decades after World War II; and 3) the area in California south of San Francisco, centred on Stanford University, that, as ‘Silicon Valley’, made the United States the world leader in the microelectronics and Internet revolutions of the last decades of the twentieth century. Using the ‘social conditions of innovative enterprise’ as a common conceptual approach, the chapter highlights key lessons from history of the nexus between firms and their local ecosystems.

scholarly journals How the Female Subject was Tempered. An Instructive History of 8 March and Its Media Representation in Naša Žena (Our Woman)

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43
Author(s):  
Paula Petričević
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Female Subject ◽  
Media Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Socialism ◽  
World War ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of

Abstract The author explores the socialist emancipation of women in Montenegro during World War II and its aftermath, using the example of the 8 March celebrations. The social life of this ‘holiday of the struggle of all the women in the world’ speaks powerfully of the strength and fortitude involved in the mobilization of women during the war and during the postwar building of socialist Yugoslavia, as well as the sudden modernization and unprecedented political subjectivation of women. The emancipatory potential of these processes turned out to be limited in the later period of stabilization of Yugoslav state socialism and largely forgotten in the postsocialist period. The author argues that the political subjectivation of women needs to be thought anew, as a process that does not take place in a vacuum or outside of a certain ideological matrix, whether socialist or liberal.

scholarly journals “Identity issues” and lines of internal divisions in Montenegro

2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 395-422
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
World War ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
The Moment

The history of Montenegro in the 20th and the early 21st century shows that the divisions were very prominent, these including the moment when the Kingdom of Montenegro had been created (after 1918), the period during World War II (1941-1945) as well as the time when its state and legal position was to be resolved. Similar lines of divisions in the Montenegrin society became dominant again during the dissolution of former SFR Yugoslavia (1991-1999) as well as immediately before and after the referendum on the status of the state in 2006 concerning primarily the set of the so-called identity issues. Those issues include the images and contents of Montenegro?s state symbols, the official language (the Montenegrin language since 2007) and the status of the canonically unrecognised Montenegrin Orthodox Church. At the same time, the author points to the disagreements of political actors in Montenegro regarding its membership in the NATO. This prevents the possibility of achieving as broad as possible consensus on the foreign policy identity and orientation of this country. Finally, the author concludes that it is necessary to achieve a broad internal consensus and make a compromise in Montenegro concerning the set of identity issues mentioned above in order to prevent the traditional division in the society.

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