scholarly journals Percalços e desafios da produção acadêmica sobre o Programa de Incentivo à Leitura no Brasil (Proler), 1992–2012: análises preliminares

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Clarice Alves de Araújo ◽  
Luciana Beatriz De Oliveira Bar de Carvalho ◽  
Carlos Henrique Carvalho

<p>Este artigo apresenta trabalho desenvolvido na linha de Processos Educativos e seus Fundamentos, vinculado ao OBEDUC/UNIUBE com financiamento CAPES/ FAPEMIG e que teve como objeto de pesquisa as produções acadêmicas sobre o Proler. O objetivo geral foi examinar parte da produção acadêmica sobre o Proler compreendida entre os anos de 1992-2012. Os objetivos específicos traduzem-se em identificar a trajetória política e histórica do Proler e verificar se a produção acadêmica reconhece a eficiência do programa de leitura. A pesquisa é bibliográfica e documental. Foram selecionados 63 trabalhos entre artigos, monografias, dissertações e teses, todos localizados no portal da CAPES e em portais de Instituições de Ensino Superior. Tomou-se por critério aquelas que tivessem o Proler como objeto de pesquisa. Dentre elas, escolheram-se três que mais se aproximavam dos objetivos do trabalho, isto é, as que abordassem e tivessem como foco a Política e a História do Programa. Foram desenvolvidas duas categorias para análise: 1 – “as concepções políticas do Proler na visão dos pesquisadores” e 2 – “delimitação do perfil histórico e ideológico do Programa”. Como considerações parciais, conclui-se que a conjuntura brasileira favoreceu a instituição do Programa, apresentando-o satisfatório por atender às necessidades políticas do neoliberalismo, aos organismos mundiais de controle de capital e, que a produção analisada foi insuficiente para comprovar ou não a eficiência do Proler.</p><br /><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>This research project was developed in the line of Education Processes and their Foudations, linked to OBEDUC/UNIUBE with CAPES/FAPEMIG fuding, and had as a research subject the academic productions on PROLER. The overall objective was to examine part of the academic literature on the PROLER between the years 1992-2012. The specific objectives are reflected in identifying the political and historical trajectory of PROLER, and verifying if the academic literature recognizes the reading program efficieny. It is a bibliographic and documentary research. We have selected 63 works incluinding articles, monographs, dissertations and theses, all located on the portal of CAPES and portals of higer education institutions. Our criterion was thoses which had the PROLER as an explicit object of research. Among them we chose three which came closest to our goal, that is, the ones which addressed and focused the policy and the history of the program. We have developed two categories for analysis: 1 – The political conceptions of PROLER in the view of researchers and 2 – The delimitation of the historical and ideological profile of the program. As partial consideration, we conclude that Brazilian situation has favored the institution of the program, and that is satisfactory to meet the needs of neoliberalism policies, to the global bodies of capital control and, that the analyzed production was sufficient to prove or disprove the PROLER efficiency.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Proler. Public Policies. Reading. Ideology.</p>

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (04) ◽  
pp. 325-340
Author(s):  
David Barnett

In this article David Barnett documents a practice-as-research project that employed Brechtian approaches to stage dramatic material. The Crucible by Arthur Miller is a realist text in which the protagonist, John Proctor, redeems himself for the sin of adultery by taking a heroic stand against the Salem witch-hunts. Existing scholarship has revealed a series of gendered biases in the form and content of the play, yet these findings have never been systematically realized in performance. While appearing to defend democratic values, the play’s dramaturgical strategies coerce agreement, and this represents a fundamental contradiction. Brecht offers a method that preserves the written dialogue, but interprets it critically onstage, deploying a range of devices derived from a materialist and dialectical interpretation. The aim of the production was to re-present a play with a familiar production history and problematize the political bases on which it conventionally rested. The article discusses the rationale for the theory and practice of contemporary Brechtian theatre and offers the production as a model for future critical realizations of other realist plays. David Barnett is Professor of Theatre at the University of York. His publications include A History of the Berliner Ensemble (CUP, 2015), Brecht in Practice: Theatre, Theory and Performance (Bloomsbury, 2014), amd Rainer Werner Fassbinder and the German Theatre (CUP, 2005).


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 49-75
Author(s):  
Yunus Emre ◽  
Burak Cop

The 1961 referendum on the new constitution was the first referendum held in the history of the Turkish republic. However, no deeper analysis of this phenomenon has been conducted in the English-language academic literature. This paper undertakes that objective. The new constitution was drafted and adopted under anti-democratic conditions. The post-coup era was a missed opportunity for instituting a stronger democracy. The referendum was the last nationwide vote in which traditional actors played significant roles in determining voting behavior. The notables and major landowners of the under-developed provinces led the masses to vote in favor of the new constitution. Starting in 1965, politics in Turkey became ideology-centered and class-oriented, thus causing the influence of traditional actors to diminish. Although the campaign for votes to support the referendum dominated the political scene in 1961, the electorate showed its distance from the coup anyway.


2019 ◽  
pp. 207-215
Author(s):  
Alexey Dmitriyev

The research was triggered by the opinions spreading in the contemporary academic literature, according to which the ideology of Russian freemasonry was associated with constitutionalism and Order of Illuminati, and the theory of public welfare was a formal rationale for the monarch’s unlimited power. The main goal of this research is analyzing the public welfare concepts in the teachings of Russian and foreign thinkers, as well as in provisions of acts and writings of Russian freemasons. The author uses methods of the history of notions and the intellectual history to analyze the links between F. Prokopovich’s, S. Pufendorf’s, V. N. Tatishchev’s, Y. F. Bilfeld’s and I. G. Justi’s ideas and provisions of freemasons’ charters and writings by Russian freemasons – A. P. Sumarokov, I. V. Lopukhin, I. A. Pozdeyev. The author’s core findings were as follows: public welfare is mostly understood as a merging of wills achievable on condition of realizing everyone’s welfare. The concept of public welfare includes the principle of a limited union between the authorities and the society, as well as the principle of fulfilling mutual obligations by the monarch and citizens (subjects), failing which the morals decline and the state falls. The study’s main conclusions illustrate that Russian freemasons adopted theoretical constructs of public welfare, mutual obligations of the monarch and the subjects (citizens), and the moral nature of will. Russian freemasons developed these ideas in their own works, interpreting them mainly in the conservative and protective vein. The political ideal of the Russian freemasonry is a single and indelible limited monarchy headed by an enlightened monarch whose authority of governing the civil society is limited by the natural law and the law of God.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Joseph H. Jackson

The introduction establishes the critical and historical basis for the idea of a Black Scotland, beginning with a brief history of Black life in territorial Scotland and in the ‘Scottish Empire’, both crucial to a post-imperial national consciousness. The introduction also reads selected examples of Blackness in Scottish literature and criticism, including some of the ways Black history has been analysed in comparison to Scottish culture. It outlines critical definitions of racialisation and of Blackness specifically: its discursive character and its relationship to the literary imagination. Defining ‘devolutionary’ as a distinct phase in the political and cultural history of Scotland, the introduction also establishes the evolving critical field of Black literary studies as it has emerged in post-war Britain, up to the multicultural moment of New Labour, and situates Scotland within and against that historical trajectory.


2002 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger E. Backhouse

The government of Margaret Thatcher forms a revealing case study of how economic ideas become entwined with the political and economic history of any country where attempts are made to apply them. As each of the papers in this symposium points out, Thatcher and her government became inextricably associated with “monetarism.” They were influenced by a range of economists, including Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek, but the policies that went under the label of monetarism ended up being very different from what one would expect from reading the academic literature on monetarism. Though it shared important features, Monetarism came to mean something very diferent from, for example, Friedman's quantity theory. More significantly, the meaning of monetarism and the way it was applied changed signi cantly during the government's period in office. Many of these changes were in response to specific economic problems that the government was forced to confront. To understand the way economic ideas developed, and why monetarism was interpreted in the way it was, therefore, it is important to understand the macroeconomic history of the period. That is the purpose of this paper.


Author(s):  
Keisuke Yamada

This chapter examines the ways in which the trade in raw cat and dog skins and processed goods in the shamisen (Japanese three-stringed lute) industry has changed in the last five decades. It employs Michel Foucault’s concept of biopolitics in order to analyze the causal relationship between the changing systems of governance through life and the historical trajectory of shamisen skin making and trade. Biopolitics, it argues, is not merely a means to incorporate different forms and modalities of life into political discourse, tactics, and rationalities, but it can also operate to marginalize the political presence, existential vitality, and ontosecurity of nonlife—individuated entities, such as the shamisen, that are conceived as “inert,” “inorganic,” or “nonliving” in society. This chapter approaches the political-economic history of music by closely examining the distribution and exercises of biopower and their effects on specific economic activities that surround the making of the instruments in historical times.


2018 ◽  
pp. 163-176
Author(s):  
Magdalena Lorenc

The objective of the paper is to analyze and assess the institutional conditions of the exhibition entitled Side by Side. Poland – Germany. 1000 years of Art and History, organized in Martin-Gropius-Bau in Berlin between September 23, 2011 and January 9, 2012. In terms of the number of works of art presented this undertaking was unprecedented in the history of Polish- German relations. The exhibition, and the catalogue that accompanied it, were a part of the Cultural Program of the Polish Presidency in the EU Council in 2011, becoming an exemplification of the issue of the politicization of exhibition discourse, where works of art are utilized for political purposes. The theoretical inspiration for considering this topic was provided by Peter Vergo’s concept presented in his text The reticent object of 1987. In Vergo’s opinion, exhibitions are a cultural fact which is relatively rarely investigated in terms of the means, efforts, conditions and reasons that are necessary for their execution. And yet these institutional conditions, including their financing, the procedures for selecting the entities in charge of the project, the mechanisms for appoint the program board and honorary patronage have a considerable influence on the nature of the exhibition. Concentrating on institutional contexts serves the purpose of answering the question of how the realms of politics and art exhibitions permeate one another. The decisions made by the authorities to become involved in certain exhibition projects constitute the instruments for creating and executing selected public policies, primarily cultural policy. It is therefore impossible to assess the success of a given initiative without considering the political objectives set and achieved by the organizers of the exhibition Side by Side.


Author(s):  
Magdalena AŁTYN

The aim of this article is to summarize knowledge regarding dispute about Koguryo territorial and historical affiliation, which occurred on the political and academic level. Between 37 BC and AD 668 ancient Kingdom of Koguryo embraced large area from central Manchuria to south of Seoul. After year 1945, when Korea regained independence Korean researchers were able to begin their studies on the foundation of the national identity. According to the “Serial Research Project on the History and Current status of the Northeast Border Region” started in China in 2002, Koguryo was an ethnic system in one of the provinces in ancient China. Through this project Chinese historians and archaeologists wanted to incorporate history of Koguryo into the Chinese history, which was not acceptable to Korean researchers. Because of such approach from both sides to this issue, both countries were forced to use archeological excavations and obtained relics in order to show the connection between past and present in both, Koguryo-China and Koguryo- Korea history.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2019 ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Viktor A. Popov

Deep comprehension of the advanced economic theory, the talent of lecturer enforced by the outstanding working ability forwarded Vladimir Geleznoff scarcely at the end of his thirties to prepare the publication of “The essays of the political economy” (1898). The subsequent publishing success (8 editions in Russia, the 1918­-year edition in Germany) sufficiently demonstrates that Geleznoff well succeded in meeting the intellectual inquiry of the cross­road epoch of the Russian history and by that taking the worthful place in the history of economic thought in Russia. Being an acknowledged historian of science V. Geleznoff was the first and up to now one of the few to demonstrate the worldwide community of economists the theoretically saturated view of Russian economic thought in its most fruitful period (end of XIX — first quarter of XX century).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document