4.The Relationship between Values and Right-Wing »Populist« Commitment in Switzerland: Swiss People’s Party Activists

2009 ◽  
pp. 58-67
Author(s):  
Philippe Gottraux ◽  
Cécile Péchu
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
The Relationship

Bringing Party Ideology Back In: Do Left-Wing Parties Enhance the Share of Women MPs?

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 547-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Santana ◽  
Susana Aguilar
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analyses ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Comprehensive Information ◽  
Party Ideology ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Relationship

This article analyzes the relationship between parties and the representation of women in Spanish subnational legislatures. We argue that studies on party ideology and gender have generally failed to (a) acknowledge the effect of electoral time: the left started to recruit women earlier, when their number was low and they were mainly perceived as liabilities; and (b) distinguish between two different party mechanisms: parties can be gate openers and ease the access of newcomers to the legislature, and they can be career promoters, which facilitate the parliamentary continuity of incumbents. Drawing on a database containing comprehensive information about the population of regional members of parliament (MPs) (N = 5,353) in 138 elections and focusing on the two most prominent parties, the conservative People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), we test the hypothesis that left-wing parties outperform right-wing parties concerning gender representation. Our statistical analyses show that electoral time blurs the effect of ideology on the share of women MPs. Once time is controlled for, the socialists emerge as systematically recruiting more women. Concerning the two mechanisms, the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party fares better as a gate opener, while the People's Party, unexpectedly, excels as a career promoter.

Anarchist, Antisemit, Aufklärer? Vier Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Nietzsches Philosophie und Politik

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 296-311
Author(s):  
Paul Stephan
Keyword(s):  
Critical Theory ◽  
Frankfurt School ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Philosophical Thought ◽  
Political Commitments ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Four new publications provide an overview of the relationship between Nietzsche’s philosophical thought and his political commitments. Together they highlight the true complexity of Nietzsche’s politics, since some of his ideas can be adapted to anarchist and right-wing positions as much as, for instance, to Frankfurt School critical theory. At the same time, these contributions underscore the limitations of a strictly positivist, or philological approach, since any assessment of Nietzsche’s politics cannot be detached from the political faultlines of the present.

scholarly journals The Authoritarian Dynamic During the COVID-19 Pandemic: Effects on Nationalism and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment

2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062097802
Author(s):  
Todd K. Hartman ◽  
Thomas V. A. Stocks ◽  
Ryan McKay ◽  
Jilly Gibson-Miller ◽  
Liat Levita ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Situational Factors ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Right Wing Authoritarianism ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Relationship

Research has demonstrated that situational factors such as perceived threats to the social order activate latent authoritarianism. The deadly COVID-19 pandemic presents a rare opportunity to test whether existential threat stemming from an indiscriminate virus moderates the relationship between authoritarianism and political attitudes toward the nation and out-groups. Using data from two large nationally representative samples of adults in the United Kingdom ( N = 2,025) and Republic of Ireland ( N = 1,041) collected during the initial phases of strict lockdown measures in both countries, we find that the associations between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and (1) nationalism and (2) anti-immigrant attitudes are conditional on levels of perceived threat. As anxiety about the COVID-19 pandemic increases, so too does the effect of RWA on those political outcomes. Thus, it appears that existential threats to humanity from the COVID-19 pandemic moderate expressions of authoritarianism in society.

Die Macht der Bilder und Bilder der Macht: die sprachliche Konstruktion von Nationalismus und Konservatismus in der strategischen politischen Kommunikation von Vox España

2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-566
Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert
Keyword(s):  
Language Use ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Multimodal Discourse ◽  
The Social ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractFrom a theoretical and empirical linguistic point of view, this paper emphasizes the importance of the relationship between populism and the media. The aim of this article is to explore the language use of the Spanish right wing populism party Vox on the basis of its multimodal postings on the social network Instagram. For the analysis of their Instagram account, a suitable multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) provides a variety of methods and allows a theoretical integration into constructivism. A hashtag-analysis reveals that Vox’s ideology consists of a nativist and ethnocentric nationalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other. With a topos analysis, the linguistic realisations of these core elements are illustrated with two case studies.

scholarly journals Il disallineamento tra orientamenti elettorali e posizioni sui temi: una questione giovanile o di famiglia politica?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dario Tuorto
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Cultural Issues ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Italian Case ◽  
Ideological Space ◽  
Economic State ◽  
The Relationship

The transformation of politics in contemporary democracies has led to the emergence of a new ideological conflict, alongside the traditional left-right scheme, described as liberal–authoritarian or cosmopolitan–nationalist cleavage (Norris and Inglehart 2018; Kriesi 2008; 2012; Hooge and Marks 2009; 2018). This brought to a redefinition of the linkages between issue and voting preferences, as many voters decide to support a party independently of their positions or change positions on the issues while voting for the same party. Within such framework, the contribute of the new generations to the growth of the electoral dealignment and volatility has been largely analysed (Franklin 2004; Miller and Shanks 1996; Plutzer 2006). Issue incongruency is part of the process. Young people are often considered to be tolerant and inclusive because they grew up under prosperous and secure conditions and developed post-materialist values of freedom, multiculturalism, progressivism (Inglehart and Welzel 2005; Janmaat and Keating 2019). However, the perspective of left-cosmopolitans engaged in electoral politics contrasts with the image of economically-insecure left-behind group of young people who don’t share the same progressive values (Sloam and Henn 2017; Sanders and Twyman 2016) and support right-wing political parties. What is still unknown is the extent to which extreme ideological traits and attitudes (e.g. negative discourses on immigration) combine with positions of openness on individual freedom. Likewise, the same contradiction can be found among left-wing voters who assume liberal position on economy or those economically left and culturally conservative. The article aims at analysing the relationship between issue positions and vote (propensity to vote). We test the hypotheses of a coherent vs incoherent ideological space by looking at the structure of voters’ preferences on economic (State vs. free market) and cultural issues (individual rights, attitudes towards minorities, European integration) and the differences between young people and older component of the electorate. The analysis is focused on the Italian case. Data are taken from the 2020 Itanes survey.

scholarly journals POPE BENEDICT XVI AND THE REGENSBURG LECTURE: THE REPRESENTATION OF ISLAM AND THE “CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS” IN THE ITALIAN MEDIA

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-232
Author(s):  
Martina Ambrosini
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Clash Of Civilizations ◽  
The West ◽  
Holy See ◽  
Pope Benedict Xvi ◽  
Benedict Xvi ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The Relationship

As those of other Western countries, Italian media often employ the term “clash of civilisation” [conflitto di civiltà] to refer to the relationship between “Islam” and the “West”. The Muslim world is simplistically described, and perceived, as a monolithic reality. Its representation by media ranges from that of an irrational to that of an intolerant religion. The expression “clash of civilization” was especially used in September 2006, after the Pope’s lectio magistralis at Regensburg University caused vigorous protests to take place in the Muslim world. Benedict XVI seemed to present the Christian God as the only rational divinity, and Islam as an irrational religion. After international Muslim communities asked for an official apology, the Pope held a meeting with the ambassadors from Islamic States to the Holy See, and the representatives of the Italian Muslim communities, to explain his words. This paper analyzes the way in which this event was presented by the Italian media – including right-wing, mainstream and Catholic media - with the aim of understanding the official reaction of the Vatican (as reported by the Osservatore Romano), the Italian Catholic Church (as reported by Avvenire), and the Italian public opinion

scholarly journals Perbedaan Individual pada Ideologi Politik Berbasis Agama

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Ilmi Amalia
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Social Dominance Orientation ◽  
Personality Types ◽  
Dual Process ◽  
Big Five Personality ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Right Wing Authoritarianism ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Convenience Sampling ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractIn practicing worship almost all Muslims run in the same manner but in Indonesia also found the diversity of the face of Islam. One form of diversity is how to see religion as a political ideology. From various views political ideologies based on Islamic religion have polarizations, namely secular and radical Islamism. How to explain the diversity of ideologies based on individual differences. Jost et al (2009) offer three basic needs that determine individual ideological differences, namely the need for epistemic, the need for existential, and the need for relational. In addition to differences in the concept of fundamental needs, studies also show a relationship between personality types and ideological or political attitudes. Duckitt & Sibley (2010) offers a dual-process motivational model that explains that political ideology is formed due to interactions between personalities and different social situations. Many studies have been conducted to see the relationship between ideology with liberal and conservative polarization (right / left) or right wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) with different needs or personality types (Jost, Ledgerwood, & Hardin, 2008; Jost et al., 2007; Sibley, Osborne, & Duckitt, 2012). However, no research has been conducted on political ideologies based on religion, especially Islam. The study was conducted on 243 Muslims and aged 17 years and over. Questionnaires were distributed in the Greater Jakarta area online and offline. The sampling technique used convenience sampling. Then the data is processed using regression analysis techniques. The results showed that together, the need for epistemic, need for existential, need for relational, and Big five personality influenced Islamic political ideology with a contribution of 7.2%. Significant predictors of the relationship are need for existential and need for relational. AbstrakDalam pelaksanaan ibadah hampir semua umat Islam menjalankan dengan tata cara yang sama namun di Indonesia ditemukan juga keanekaragaman wajah Islam. Salah satu bentuk keanekaragaman tersebut adalah bagaimana melihat agama sebagai suatu ideologi politik. Dari berbagai macam pandangan dapat dilihat bahwa ideologi politik yang berbasis agama Islam memiliki polarisasi yaitu sekuler dan radikal Islamisme. Bagaimana menjelaskan keragaman ideologi tersebut berdasarkan perbedaan individual. Jost dkk (2009) menawarkan adanya tiga kebutuhan mendasar yang menentukan perbedaan ideologi individu yaitu need for epistemic, need for existential, dan need for relational. Selain pada perbedaan pada konsep kebutuhan mendasar, studi juga menunjukkan adanya hubungan tipe kepribadian dan ideologi atau sikap politik. Duckitt & Sibley (2010) menawarkan model dual-process motivational yang menjelaskan bahwa ideologi politik terbentuk akibat interaksi antara kepribadian dan situasi sosial yang berbeda. Studi telah banyak dilakukan untuk melihat hubungan ideologi dengan polarisasi liberal dan konservatif (kanan/kiri) atau right wing authoritarianism (RWA) dan social dominance orientation (SDO) dengan perbedaan kebutuhan atau tipe kepribadian (Jost, Ledgerwood, & Hardin, 2008; Jost et al., 2007; Sibley, Osborne, & Duckitt, 2012). Namun demikian, belum ada riset yang dilakukan pada ideologi politik yang berlandaskan pada agama terutama Islam. Studi dilakukan pada 243 Muslim dan berumur 17 tahun ke atas. Kuesioner disebarkan di daerah Jabodetabek secara daring dan luring. Teknik pengambilan sampel digunakan convenience sampling. Kemudian data diolah dengan teknik analisis regresi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan secara bersama-sama, need for epistemic, need for existential, need for relational, dan Big five personality mempengaruhi ideologi politik Islam dengan kontribusi sebesar 7,2 %. Prediktor yang signifikan hubungannya adalah need for existential dan need for relational.

scholarly journals Why is right-wing media consumption associated with lower compliance with COVID-19 measures?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Ponizovskiy ◽  
Lusine Grigoryan ◽  
Wilhelm Hofmann
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
Media Consumption ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Media Messages ◽  
Prophylactic Measures ◽  
Perceived Consequences ◽  
The Relationship

Exposure to right-wing media has been shown to relate to lower perceived threat from COVID-19, lower compliance with prophylactic measures against it, and higher incidence of infection and death. What features of right-wing media messages account for these effects? In a preregistered cross-sectional study (N = 554) we test a model that differentiates perceived consequences of two CDC recommendations—washing hands and staying home—for basic human values. People who consumed more right-wing media perceived these behaviors as less beneficial for their personal security, for the well-being of close ones, and the well-being of society at large. Perceived consequences of following the CDC recommendations mediated the relationship between media consumption and compliance with recommendations. Implications for public health messaging are discussed.

The People: Ethnoracial Configurations, Old and New

2020 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Leila Brännström
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Association ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Point Of Departure

In recent years the Sweden Democrats have championed a clarification of the identity of the ‘the people’ in the Instrument of government. The reference, they argue, should be to the ethnic group of Swedes. This chapter will take this ambition to fix the subject of popular sovereignty as the point of departure for discussing some of the ways in which the contemporary anti-foreigner political forces of Northern and Western Europe imagine ‘the people’ and identify their allies and enemies within and beyond state borders. To set the stage for this exploration the chapter will start by looking at Carl Schmitt’s ideas about political friendship, and more specifically the way he imagines the relationship between ‘us’ in a political and constitutional sense and ‘the people’ in national and ethnoracial terms. The choice to begin with Schmitt is not arbitrary. His thoughts about the nature of the political association have found their way into the discourse of many radical right-wing parties of Western and Northern Europe.

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