Bolt cutters and the politics of expropriation: Homes Not Jails, urban squatting, and gentrification

Author(s):  
Sean Parson

Chapter 6 looks at the response from the Jordan administration on Food Not Bombs’ sister organization, Homes Not Jails, which illegally housed the homeless in abandoned buildings. In interviews with people involved in both Food Not Bombs and Homes Not Jails, I was often told stories of police leniency with the squatters, something that was unheard of for Food Not Bombs’ actions. This differential treatment concerns the political nature of space and the city’s desire to hide the homeless from public view. Because the city wanted to push the homeless into private space, Homes Not Jails, by illegally housing the homeless in abandoned houses, ended up unintentionally working to help the Jordan administration achieve part of his public space goal. This chapter argues that city agencies react to autonomous political projects differently depending on whether they erupt in what the state defines as public or private space.

2020 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Iman Hegazy

Public spaces are defined as places that should be accessible to all inhabitants without restrictions. They are spaces not only for gathering, socializing and celebrating but also for initiating discussions, protesting and demonstrating. Thus, public spaces are intangible expressions of democracy—a topic that the paper tackles its viability within the context of Alexandria, case study Al-Qaed Ibrahim square. On the one hand, Al-Qaed Ibrahim square which is named after Al-Qaed Ibrahim mosque is a sacred element in the urban fabric; whereas on the other it represents a non-religious revolutionary symbol in the Alexandrian urban public sphere. This contradiction necessitates finding an approach to study the characteristic of this square/mosque within the Alexandrian context—that is to realize the impact of the socio-political events on the image of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square, and how it has transformed into a revolutionary urban symbol and yet into a no-public space. The research revolves around the hypothesis that the political events taking place in Egypt after January 25th, 2011, have directly affected the development of urban public spaces, especially in Alexandria. Therefore methodologically, the paper reviews the development of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square throughout the Egyptian socio-political changes, with a focus on the square’s urban and emotional contextual transformations. For this reason, the study adheres to two theories: the "city elements" by Kevin Lynch and "emotionalizing the urban" by Frank Eckardt. The aim is not only to study the mentioned public space but also to figure out the changes in people’s societal behaviour and emotion toward it. Through empowering public spaces, the paper calls the different Egyptian political and civic powers to recognize each other, regardless of their religious, ethnical or political affiliations. It is a step towards replacing the ongoing political conflicts, polarization, and suppression with societal reconciliation, coexistence, and democracy.


Author(s):  
Nikita V. Averin

We examine the provisions situation in the early 1918 in the producing regions of Russia using materials from the Tambov Governorate. Published documents indicate a strong rise in prices for consumer goods, the population was concerned about high prices for food. The provisions problem was clearly taking on political overtones. The Bolsheviks who came to power did not only impose power, proceeding from their political and economic preferences, starting socialist transformations and fighting the remnants of the old organs of power. All this is shown in pub-lished sources on the peasant movement that swept the province, as well as in memoirs, witnesses of all those problems associated with food and the deterioration of the political and economic situation in the city and the governorate as a whole. In particular, the Soviet power immediately faced huge provisions problems, both inherited and generated by their own requisitions, as well as with the peasant protest movement. The peasant movement itself, caused by hunger and chaos, in the future will play a huge role in the policies pursued by the Bolsheviks. Documents and memoirs can serve in the study of the state of the population in the specified period.


Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett

This concluding chapter addresses the issue of the place of the city directly, and discusses the broader implications of place in relation to the metaphysics of human agency. As the space of physical movement, or locomotion, place is apparently depoliticized from the outset; for the political depends on the free, which, even if conceived as the voluntary and naturalized, is nevertheless contrasted with the external motion that is blocked by force. However, the casuistry concerning the local motion of citizens shows how the space of the political has to contend with the space of external movement, the same space in which animals move, which resists even as it supplements the voluntary and juridical construction of the state.


Author(s):  
Sophia Khadraoui-Fortune

April 24th 1998, a two-meter-high iron statue of a slave, arms raised towards the sky, breaking free from his/her chains, was erected clandestinely in Nantes, the primary French slave port of the eighteenth century. Faced with the local government’s refusal to erect a statue commemorating the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery, the Mémoire de l’Outre-Mer association decided, in secret, to commission a sculpture. Following the organization’s initial success of hijacking the inauguration, the statue was vandalized. It soon became a performative monument, a memorial palimpsest, and a centre stage of a symbolic combat where opponents and supporters clashed. This essay reveals the democratic praxis at the heart of this commemoration debate. With both the pressure of citizens on the political body, and the triple practice of diversion, subversion, and taking hostage of (public) space, the association thwarts the writing and power strategies of the city of Nantes and its culture of silence. Mémoire de l’Outre-Mer not only resists official discourse but subsequently imposes its own version of French history on the whitened pages of France’s colonial narrative, thus reclaiming a past, a story, an identity, by bringing to light existences and testimonies, and defining new lieux de parole.


Ethnography ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maziyar Ghiabi

The article provides an ethnographic study of the lives of the ‘dangerous class’ of drug users based on fieldwork carried out among different drug using ‘communities’ in Tehran between 2012 and 2016. The primary objective is to articulate the presence of this category within modern Iran, its uses and its abuses in relation to the political. What drives the narration is not only the account of this lumpen, plebeian group vis à vis the state, but also the way power has affected their agency, their capacity to be present in the city, and how capital/power and the dangerous/lumpen life come to terms, to conflict, and to the production of new situations which affect urban life.


2015 ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Maciej Falski

Continuity and Discontinuity in the Cultural Landscape of the Capital City: Paris and SkopjeThe object of my reflections in this article is the question of creating a vision of historical continuity, and thus making significant the narratives about the past, in the space of the city. I treat the city as a cultural landscape par excellence; it is precisely the city that creates the best opportunities of influencing interpretation by means of creating a specific set of symbolic references and of images awakening the play of interpretation. The city is inhabited by many individuals and varied groups, which forces it into negotiations of signification. The research present herein concerns the capital cities. The capital of a nation state is a specific city, normally defined by its very legal status as capital, recognized and regulated by special edict, it is also a symbolic space of particular weight, a place to demonstrate the power of the state and of the nation, to display and consolidate identity, to present one’s image to outsiders and mould a desired self-image for the benefit of the citizens – members of one’s group. Drawing on the example of Paris and Skopje, two cities whose historical contexts are considerably different, I would like to show the specific ways of drawing conclusions adapted to the urban landscape, because despite the obvious differences, both cities allow for the discernment of a historical period in which the city itself served as an important element of the public realm and as symbolic public property. The increased significance of cities in Europe is connected without a doubt to the process of democratization, thus the capitals of France and Macedonia are good examples of the transformation that converted a privatized (feudal) space or a space interpreted along sacred lines (as land belonging to God) into a public space and public property of citizens, and/or the dominant nation.It appears that the most important agent in the capital landscape is the state. It is the bureaucracy of the state, appearing in the role of executor of the national will, deciding on the shape of the image of the city, reinforcing those values that seem to be desirable from the perspective of the represented group. The lack of that factor leads, as in the case of Skopje, to the preservation of the local past and/or to a haphazardly implemented publicly sponsored construction. In both cases discussed above, the map and the landmarks mirror the most important categories of national narrative. The shape of this narrative depends largely upon the central authorities of the nation.Ciągłość i nieciągłość w przestrzeni miasta stołecznego: Paryż i SkopjePrzedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest zagadnienie tworzenia wizji ciągłości dziejowej, a więc usensowionej narracji o przeszłości, w przestrzeni miasta. Miasto bowiem jawi się jako przestrzeń kulturowa par excellence i ono właśnie stwarza najlepsze możliwości wpływu na interpretację poprzez tworzenie specyficznego układu odniesień symbolicznych i obrazów, pobudzających grę interpretacji. Miasto zamieszkiwane jest przez wiele jednostek i różnorakich grup, co zmusza je do negocjacji znaczeń. Przedmiotem przedstawionych tu badań są stolice. Stolica państwa to bowiem miasto szczególne, co zazwyczaj podkreśla sam status prawny ośrodka stołecznego regulowany przez specjalną ustawę, staje się niezwykle ważną przestrzenią symboliczną, miejscem pokazu państwowej i narodowej siły, eksponowania i utwierdzania tożsamości, prezentowania wizerunku obcym oraz kształtowania pożądanego wizerunku na użytek obywateli – członków swojej grupy. Na przykładzie Paryża i Skopja, miast o odmiennej kontekstowo historii, chciałbym pokazać specyficzne dla przestrzeni miejskiej sposoby indukowania interpretacji, albowiem mimo oczywistych różnic oba miasta pozwalają dostrzec historyczny okres, w którym samo miasto stało się istotnym składnikiem sfery publicznej i publicznej własności symbolicznej. Wzrost znaczenia miast w Europie wiąże się bez wątpienia z procesem demokratyzacji, zaś stolice Francji i Macedonii są dobrym przykładem tej przemiany, która przestrzeń sprywatyzowaną (feudalną) bądź interpretowaną w wymiarze sakralnym (jako ziemia należąca do Boga) przekształciła w przestrzeń publiczną, będącą dobrem wspólnym obywateli i/lub dominującego narodu.Najważniejszym agensem w przestrzeni stołecznej okazuje się państwo. To biurokracja państwowa, występująca w charakterze nosiciela woli narodu, decyduje o kształtowaniu wizerunku miasta, wzmacniając te wartości, które wydają się pożądane z perspektywy reprezentowanej grupy. Brak tego czynnika skutkuje, jak w przypadku Skopje, zachowaniem lokalności i/lub przypadkowością realizowanych inwestycji publicznych. W obu omawianych przypadkach mapa i punkty orientacyjne zdradzają najważniejsze kategorie narracji narodowej, a przecież za jej kształt w znacznym stopniu odpowiada właśnie władza centralna.


Author(s):  
Leif Tøfting Kongsgaard

In this article it is argued that Tehran itself as well as the Iranians’ conception of Tehran is changing. The size of Tehran, the capital of Iran, has within a few decades risen explosively from no more than 300.000 inhabitants in the 1930s to more than 9 million people today. At the same time the city has experienced a radical demographic divide between the lower, warmer, poorer and more traditional South and the richer, more modern North close to the cooler mountains. The conception of Tehran today is that of “a modern part” of Iran; i.e. North Tehran. While everybody agrees that Tehran is modern, the significance of this modernity is vehemently debated. The technological and financial aspect of Tehran’s modernity is unanimously seen as a positive feature, whereas the individualistic aspect of this modernity to some Iranians is seen as a moral threat to society, while others see it as a liberalising and positive force in society. In other words Tehran has become the battlefield of morality where “true Islam” meets “modern corruption”, “true Iranianism” meets “Western decadence” etc. And nowhere is this seen more explicitly than in the parks of Tehran. The urban parks have within the last decade developed into semi-private spaces partly free of government control, neighbours’ gossip and family restrictions. The culture of the private space (the home) has thus been moved into the public space, and at the same time this transformation causes the emergence of the modern, secularised urban individual, which to some extent demands separation of religion and state. This urban individual can no longer be controlled by the local priest and cannot be restricted from receiving news and viewpoints from outside of the national state-controlled media. Tehran has in this way become a physical and symbolical battlefield, where the dialectical and often contradicting moral consequences of modernity are being negotiated, restricted and craved.  


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>


2012 ◽  
pp. 128-155
Author(s):  
Tiago Estevam Gonçalves ◽  
Tatiane Rodrigues Carneiro

Iniciar uma reflexão acerca da cidade atual nos remete à necessidade de construirmos uma análise sobre os shopping centers como espaços que tem atraído um fluxo considerável da população, ocasionando mudanças na relação dos citadinos com os espaços públicos.  Nesta perspectiva, temos como objetivo analisar o  North Shopping, localizado na cidade de Fortaleza, como um espaço de uso popular onde as camadas de menor poder aquisitivo podem adentrar e usufruir de seus atributos. Imbuídos de tal finalidade nosso aporte teórico fundamentou-se em Pintaudi (1992), Dantas (1995), Silva (1996) Lefebvre (1999), Carlos (2001), Gomes (2002) e Serpa (2007). Conclui-se que na cidade de Fortaleza, o North Shopping é um verdadeiro simulacro da realidade, substituindo as experiências cotidianas dos espaços públicos, configurando-se, assim, a supervalorização do espaço privado que se traveste de público tendo repercussões na nova urbanidade fortalezense.  Public Space and Shopping Mall in the Contemporary City: New Meanings of North Shopping in Fortaleza/CE  Abstract Start a discussion about the current city us the need to build an analysis on malls as spaces that have attracted a considerable  flow of people, causing changes in the relationships of the townspeople with the public spaces. In this perpective, we have to anlyze the North Shopping, located in Fortaleza, as a space where the popular use of lower purchasing power can enter and enjoy its atributes. Imbued with this purpose our theoretival approach was bases on Pintaudi (1992), Dantas (1995), Silva (1996) Lefebvre (1999), Carlos (2001), Gomes (2002) e Serpa (2007).  It’s concluded that in the city of Fortaleza, the North Shopping is a true simulation of reality, replacing the daily experiences of public spaces, becoming  thusovervaluation of private space of public who dresss as having impact on new fortaleza’s urbanity. Espacio Público y Centro Comercial en Ciudad Contemporánea: Nuevos Sentidos del North Shopoing en la Fortaleza/CE ResumenIniciar uma reflexión acerca de la actual ciudad nos recuerda la necesidad de construir um análisis acerca de los centros comerciales como espacios que han atraído um flujo considerable de personas, provocando câmbios en la relación de los habitantes de la ciudad com los espacios públicos. Em esta perspectiva, tenemos que analisar el North Shopping, que se encuentra en Fortaleza, como um espacio de uso popular donde lãs camadas de menor poder adquisitivo pueden entrar y disfrutar de sus atributos. Imbuido de esa finalidad nuestro aporte teórico se fundamento em: Pintaudi (1992), Dantas (1995), Silva (1996) Lefebvre (1999), Carlos (2001), Gomes (2002) y Serpa (2004). Se puede concluir que en la ciudad de Fortaleza el North Shopping es uma  verdadera simulación de la realidad, sustituición de las experiencias diárias de los espacios públicos, convertiéndose, asó, la sobrevaluación del espacio privado que se passa por el público tenendo impactos en la nueva urbanidad de Fortaleza.10.7147/GEO10.1573


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nyers

By challenging the state's prerogative to distinguish between insiders and outsiders, citizens and non-citizens, political movements by and in support of migrants and refugees are forcing questions about what criteria, if any, can and should be used to determine who can claim membership in the political community. To illustrate the complexity of this politics this article analyzes the major demand that underscores every campaign undertaken by non-status refugees and migrants in Canada: a program that would allow them to "regularize" their status. Notably, these campaigns are being directed at both the state and city levels of governance. Together, these are two sites in which claims and counter-claims about community, belonging, and citizenship are being made by, for, and against non-status immigrants. In each case, migrant political agency is asserted in places meant to deny, limit, or repress it. The article argues that the significance of these sites is that they allow for non-status refugees and migrants themselves to act as mediators or translators between the city and nation, between polis and cosmopolis.


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