scholarly journals Violence or nonviolence: instrumental nature of protest mobilization

Author(s):  
Kirill Mikhailovich Makarenko ◽  
Aleksei Ivanovich Bardakov

Protest mobilization is a complex multifaceted process, the implementation of which depends on the range objective and subjective factors. Recurrent mass protests aimed against the activity of government structures in different regions of the world, as well as unprecedented decrease in violence worldwide, actualize the questions associated with the motives of protest activity, as well as the instruments that characterize protest mobilization. The subject of this research is the instruments of protest political mobilization. The goal consists in delineating the boundaries of resorting to violence and nonviolence as the instruments of protest mobilization. Leaning on the principles of Charles Tilly’s Repertoire of Contention towards analysis of violence and nonviolence in political activity, as well as using the analysis of relevant data on the practices of protest activity, the authors formulate the following conclusions: 1) both violent and nonviolent instruments, which intersect within the framework of mass actions to various extent, underlie protest activity; 2) violence is an integral part of mass protests, however, the magnitude and intensity of violence is determined by the level of political dissatisfaction of the subjects of collective activity and the scale of available resource base; 3) statistically, nonviolent forms of mass protest are more successful in attaining the goals by the subjects of mobilization.

Author(s):  
E. A. Eliseeva ◽  
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A. A. Nechkina ◽  
R. Yu. Zulуar ◽  
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...  

The article analyzes a protest activity as one of the areas of political activity of young people in modern Russian society. The purpose of the study is to explore the attitude towards the opposition and the oppositional potential of the youth of the Irkutsk region. The authors revealed that the portrait of an average young man in the Irkutsk region (in terms of his attitude to the opposition and protest potential) is as follows: he or she is a person who latently criticizes the authorities and expects changes, but whose political activity is below the average level.


Author(s):  
Sergiy Vitvitskyi ◽  
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Andriу Zakharchenko ◽  

The article analyzes the state of legislation as for provisions on the interaction of bodies and units of the National Police with local self governments in the field of public safety and order. The main directions of improving the legal basis of interaction of these bodies in this area are substantiated. One of the factors influencing the state of public safety and order in settlements is the degree of interaction of bodies and subdivisions of the National Police with local self-government bodies representing the respective territorial communities. According to the results of the study, the following areas of improvement of the legal basis for the interaction of bodies and units of the National Police with local self governments in the field of public safety and order were proposed: 1) standardization of the terms of cooperation of the specified bodies concerning maintenance of public safety and order in connection with the organization and carrying out of peaceful meetings and other mass actions; 2) consolidation of the recommended order of interaction between these bodies during the development and implementation of program documents on public safety and order; 3) determining the procedure for coordination by local self governments and the National Police in the field of coordination and control over the activities of public formations with regard of protection of public order and the state border; 4) legislative consolidation of the possibility of concluding agreements on interaction and coordination of activities by territorial police bodies and local self-government bodies; 5) determining the procedures for approval by territorial bodies (subdivisions) of the National Police of decisions of local self-government bodies on the issues of traffic organization and functioning of public transport. Separate elaboration requires regulatory regulation of relations arising in connection with the conduct of joint raids by representatives of local governments and the National Police and inspections of compliance with legislation in the field of landscaping, trade rules, etc. The search for optimal solutions to this problem should be the subject of further research.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
R. V. Len’kov ◽  
O. A. Kolosova ◽  
S. V. Kovalyova

The article provides the results of a search empirical study of the impact of digital communications on the protest behavior of young people in the digital environment. The authors conducted the study on the basis of the State University of Management from November 2019 to April 2020. In the course of its implementation, the civil and political practices of student youth during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic and mass self-isolation were studied and updated. The paper determines the most common forms of protest activity of university students, names the main reasons for their participation or non-participation in mass protest actions. It has been empirically proven that the increase in protest behavior of young people is determined by an increase in the amount of political information with a high number of likes and reposts. In order to deactivate protest moods among young people, reduce the threats of their protest behavior and improve attitudes towards the authorities, the authors developed practical recommendations that involve social monitoring of sites, forums, pages and communities on the Internet, where young people can freely express their opinions, express dissatisfaction, and receive explanations about the actions of the authorities. The study also recommends to stimulate “feedback” with the authorities, improve public opinion on the actions or inaction of the authorities, increase the influence of citizens’ assessments on the work of state and municipal authorities. The paper states the importance of tracking youth groups prone to extremism, carrying out preventive measures with students in schools, students in colleges and universities, teaching them legal literacy. To get answers to questions about the political and economic consequences awaiting our country after the end of the coronavirus pandemic, as well as about the essence of the predicted threats, the authors plan the study on a more representative sample.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 123-158
Author(s):  
Danijela Trškan ◽  
Špela Bezjak

The article explains how civic education is included in the subject of history in elementary and secondary schools in Slovenia. History is a compulsory subject taught in elementary and secondary schools and plays an important role in the cultural, social and political education of young people – young citizens. The analysis of current history curricula indicates that they contain civic and patriotic elements in the general and specific objectives and learning outcomes, as well as in the content. The analysis of selected history textbooks shows that Slovenian textbooks include more European history than Slovenian history. The article explains what social and civic competences can be developed and fostered in the subject of history and how elementary and secondary school students can use various examples from the past to develop a positive attitude towards Slovenian identity and the protection of Slovenian cultural heritage, a respectful attitude towards human rights and democratic citizenship, towards different cultures, religions and nations, and responsible socio-political activity. It has been noted that history teachers have many opportunities to teach students the relevant values of democratic citizenship and to enable them to know and understand themselves as individuals and as members of the local and global communities. However, more attention should be paid to contemporary Slovenian history and active citizenship.


2021 ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
V.A. Antoshin ◽  
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A.V. Antoshin ◽  
K.I. Kolesnikova ◽  

This study analyzed the phenomenon of youth protest activity in modern Russia. The purpose of the work is to identify the specifics of the formation and development of the phenomenon of youth protest in the Russian Federation. Currently, there is an increase in social tension among young people, which is due to a large number of phenomena and factors. By analyzing the cases of protest activity in the Russian Federation over the past 10 years, their causes, mechanisms of organization, actors, stages, resources, and results have been identified in the dynamics. Based on the analysis of the results of sociological studies of protest activity of modern Russian youth and cases of protest activity, the article analyzes value orientations, dynamics and trends in the development of this phenomenon, presents concepts containing an analysis of the specifics of social protest, considers factors associated with the strengthening of various effects of the influence of digital communications on the political interaction of citizens and processes associated with the complexity of the nature and structure of political communication. Two structural levels of the system of social factors of protest behavior are identified: individual protest behavior and protest social movement, the most significant factors of protest social activity of young people are characterized. Based on the analysis of the results of a number of sociological studies devoted to the study of the role of digital communications on the protest social activity of Russian youth, it is concluded that the influence of digital networks on the political activity of citizens is increasing, while at present there is not a decrease in the civic activity of young people, but a change in the models of their participation in political events.


Author(s):  
David W. Orr

I recall a true story about an Ozark farmer who telephoned his neighbors one fine June day asking for help in getting in his hay. Arriving at the hayfield, people found the farmer baling his hay, but without twine in the baler. Unbound piles of hay, which would have to be entirely reraked and rebaled, lay all over the field. The farmer, with a bottle of whiskey in his lap, was feeling no pain, as they say, and did not seem to notice the problem, nor did the dozen or so men, similarly anesthetized, standing around the pickup trucks at the edge of the field. Believing the lack of twine to be a serious problem, one of the volunteers, a newcomer to such haying operations, suggested putting a roll of twine in the baler. To which an old-timer replied: “Naw, no need for that. Ol’ Billy-Hugh [the farmer in question] is having too much fun to stop now.” This story says something important about intention. Those of us who arrived on the scene ready to work failed to understand that the purpose of the event had nothing to do with getting in hay. This was a party, haying the pretext. Once we understood that, all of us could get in the flow, so to speak. A good many things, including politics, work similarly. One of the best books ever written about politics, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Edelman 1962), develops the thesis that the purpose of political activity is often not to solve problems but only to appear as if doing so. The politics of sustainability, unfortunately, provide no obvious exception to this tendency to exalt symbolism over substance. And of symbols and words there is no end. The subject of sustainability has become a growth industry. Government- and business-sponsored councils, conferences, and public meetings on sustainability proliferate, most of which seem to be symbolic gestures to allay public anxieties, not to get down to root causes.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Tarlau

The Epilogue reflects on the future of the MST’s political struggle—and that of the Brazilian left more broadly—in the context of the 2016 ousting of the Workers’ Party (PT) from the federal government and the 2018 presidential election of ultra-right conservative Jair Bolsonaro. Although Bolsonaro’s rise to power is a serious setback for the movement, the core argument of the book still holds: the MST’s thirty-five-year strategic engagement with the Brazilian state significantly expanded its internal capacity, including its organizational structure, resource base, and collective leadership, and the movement is unlikely to disappear in the near future. This long march through the institutions was only possible because activists engaged in contentious political mobilization, while also prefiguring their social and economic vision within a variety of state spheres and under a diversity of political regimes. Even in the new political context, activists will be able to defend many of their institutional gains, helping the movement withstand, if not fully deflect, this far-right resurgence.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-50
Author(s):  
Jennifer Kesteleyn

Summary This article analyses public–private partnerships in Belgium’s economic diplomacy from the perspective of multinational companies (mncs). The concept of corporate political activity (cpa) is therefore introduced. cpa is seen as a part of business diplomacy (bd), which companies use in order to defend their interests. Eight stock-listed Belgian multinationals (bmncs) were interviewed using single, semi-structured interviews. This exploratory study focused on whether or not companies contact public officials, which strategies they use and how these strategies are organized in order to defend their interests abroad. The empirical data revealed that bmncs enter into relationships with national and supranational actors. Information-sharing is the central aim of these relationships, because of the mutual realization that these contacts are important. This was less so, however, at the international level. In short, bmncs will, depending on the subject and/or the institutional context, rely on the services offered by Belgian economic diplomacy. They will initially, however, also include diplomatic functions of their own.


1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. WALKER

The relations between James Brooke and the various peoples of northwest Borneo have attracted considerable scholarly attention. Nineteenth-century Iban experiences have been analysed extensively and continue to provide the basis for a healthy industry in historical anthropology. Daniel Chew and Craig Lockard examined the development of the Sarawak Chinese community. Sabihah Osman explored Malay political activity during the Brooke period. In contrast, although Bidayuh were the subject of a detailed anthropological survey in the 1950s, political relations between Bidayuh and Rajah Brooke's regime have been largely ignored by scholars.


Author(s):  
Maria Alekseevna Tanina ◽  
Igor Alekseevich Yurasov ◽  
Vera Alexandrovna Yudina ◽  
Olga Alexandrovna Zyablikova

Digitalization that have been actively developing in Russia over the past ten years have an impact on the protest moods of people who share a religious worldview. The subject of this analysis is the forms of virtual protest activity on the Internet, which are classified as: protest against religion as an institu-tion that protects the existing political, economic and social foundations of Russian society from the atheism and other faiths and religious systems point of view; protest against the existing official confes-sional hierarchy within the normative religious dis-course; protest against internal confessional dog-mas aimed at reform or division. Digital protest ac-tivity is based on a marginal religious identity that does not affect the normative and confessional dis-course, but is formed within the framework of politi-cal, mythological, and ideological discourses. Pro-test moods against religion as a social institution, or atheistic protest correlates with political and socio-economic protest moods in provincial cities of Rus-sia.


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