Shattered Transition

Author(s):  
Mathijs Pelkmans

This chapter examines shifts in Kyrgyzstan's ideological landscape. It considers public events that are suggestive of the rhythms of Kyrgyz political life, and the issues that fueled collective action, along with the more slow-paced ideological currents that informed them. To gain an overview of these slower trends, three statues that successively occupied the Ala-Too Square's central 15-meter-high pedestal are discussed: the statue of Vladimir Lenin, the Erkindik (Liberty) statue, and the statute of the national hero Manas. The chapter also discusses the trajectories of socialism, (neo) liberalism, and nationalism in the post-Soviet period and explores how these ideologies translated into political practice, along with the tensions between rhetoric and reality that has characterized Kyrgyzstan's so-called transition. By connecting the succession of statues to the political events unfolding on the Ala-Too Square and beyond, the chapter shows how Kyrgyzstan's unraveling transition became interspersed with recurrent eruptions of political turmoil.

Inner Asia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Elvira Churyumova

This paper is a brief political and ethnographic commentary on the ‘issues of weakness’ in the current political leadership of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, ideas about national leaders have been subject to change, depending on the political regime in Russia. Whereas in the Soviet period good leaders, both historical and contemporary, were thought to be skilful managers who did not necessarily have the power to change the course of history, in the post-Soviet period proper national leaders are considered to be those who are endowed with the power to influence history. According to the author, this change in the concept of leadership became possible owing to certain political developments in post-Soviet Kalmykia that allowed alternative ideas to contest some tenets of the Soviet historiography, such ideas remaining largely intact. The tension in Kalmyk historiography between old Soviet and new ideas is unresolved, a situation which is symptomatic of wider tensions and transformations occurring in Kalmyk society itself.


2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
RIZAL SUKMA

As Indonesia democratises, a key feature of the country's political life has been a mixture of turmoil, hope and uncertainty. When Suharto's authoritarian regime collapsed in May 1998, Indonesia was experiencing the worst political and economic crises in more than three decades. On the political front, Suharto's collapse was preceded by communal violence, political turmoil, and state terrorism. Economically, the financial crisis, which came to Indonesia in December 1997, brought down the foundations of growth and pushed the country on to the brink of economic collapse. All these problems, which found their roots in the absence of democracy and good governance, worsened after the fall of Suharto. As the country moved towards democratic transition, however, society was imbued with a sense of hope for a better future, and that hope continues to exist until today. In that context, resolving current uncertainty constitutes the biggest challenge facing Indonesia in fulfilling the people's hope for a democratic future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
Manu Samnotra

Abstract This essay uses the political writings of Hannah Arendt to explore the virtue of courage. Courage is regarded as a risk taken in the pursuit or defense of some normative end. But what does political courage look like when, as an outgrowth of neoliberal optimism, our sense of the present and the risks it poses to our cherished normative aims is itself dilated? The answer that this essay proposes is that we must think of courage in its relationship to kairos (timeliness). Using Arendt's writings on the pariah tradition, this essay suggests three vectors of timely courage. These are keeping pace with political events as they unfold; withdrawing from political life to care concretely for others; and finally, developing a sensibility for the new through artistic creations that give insights into our shared future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
К. М. Котеленець ◽  
І. І. Боровенська

The article deals with the public life of the occupied territory of the Lugansk region in printed mass media. This methodology of research, painted methods and methodology of the research of printed mass media, a sample is drawn up. The article presents some results of the content analysis of newspapers that were printed during the year in three settlements of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, namely Lugansk, Stakhanov (Kadyivka) and Antratsyt. The papers of selected newspapers reflecting social processes in the occupied territory of the Luhansk region have been analyzed. It is the media that makes it possible to conclude that newspapers have an information content direction that the information they provide most often has a household or an economic nature, and that focus is on situational events. It is proved that a lot of publications are paid to the political life of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic. However, it has been found that the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities is almost the same. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context. As for publications on international political events, there are very few such publications, which suggests preserving political thought within the two countries and directly by the LNR. After analyzing publications in the print media of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, the authors concluded that the political life of the occupied territory is most frequently covered. An interesting fact was the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities. They do not have much discrepancy. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-154
Author(s):  
K.A. AFANASYEVA ◽  

The reform of education in Russia in the post-Soviet period has become an illustrative example of the influence of the prevailing socio-economic and socio-political trends on a specific area of society. The purpose of the article is to identify the political prerequisites under the influence of which the institutional and functional transformation of the educational system took place, accompanied by social and economic changes. The research methodology is a set of systematic, normative, structural, and historical methods of cognition. As a result of the study, the main prerequisites and manifestations of the process of reforming the education sector are established, and the direction and content of changes made in this area since the early 1990s are evaluated.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Finlayson

Historians and literary scholars have long agreed that the rate of change in English society in the seventeenth century was so great that only the label “revolution” can do justice to its magnitude. For the past hundred years, most historians who have written about the political upheavals of the middle decades of the century, for example, have taken it for granted that these events constituted a “revolution.” Indeed, the custom of referring to the political turmoil in England between 1640 and 1660 as the “English Revolution” is so established that many scholars would deny that they are relying upon an assumption at all, but would insist that they are simply stating an obvious fact. After 1660, most scholars agree, England's political and constitutional practices and presuppositions were fundamentally different from what they had been before 1640. The permanence of the change, combined with the extraordinary character of political events during the Interregnum, makes the label “revolution” the obvious and appropriate one.


Inner Asia ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. I. Dyatlov

AbstractAlthough the great majority of Siberians are themselves ‘immigrants’ from central Russia and other Slav regions, the post-Soviet period has seen the re-emergence of previously latent anti- immigrant attitudes even among contemporary Siberians. The article examines the case of Irkutsk and explains why it is that hostility is now directed against the Caucasian nationalities and against the Chinese. One factor is the historical dislike of ‘trading minorities’ by peoples with an egalitarian, labour-oriented ethos; another is the way the new immigrants play into local stereotypes of the ‘stranger’; a third is the exploitation of rising nationalism by local politicians in their electoral strategies. The article concludes that self-protective strategies, especially by the Chinese, often prevent integration. Anti-immigrant attitudes are likely to remain, even


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Igor Grebenkin

The article is devoted to the Russian army position in the political process during the revolution of 1917 in Russia. The war period army identity as a social phenomenon, the conditions of its transformation into country political life subject are discussed. The character and the causes of the social political climate of different military men categories on the eve of the revolution are determined. The role of military contingents, institutes, central military figures in the main political events of 1917, such as February and October revolutions, July political crisis, General L. G. Kornilov’s march-off is represented. The main regulatory acts of the new government concerning the army, such as Order 1 of Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies and “Declaration of a Soldier and Citizen Rights”, and their influence on the development of the inside situation in the army are considered. The special focus is on the main courses of the army life politization and the political military men’s activity, that are the work of army offices, military social organizations, volunteer campaigns in the front line and the back land. The stages and the particular characteristics of the political leaders and military command authority cooperation are specified.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
E. S. Dabagyan

This article is a political portrait of an extraordinary personality, the President of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, who has travelled a long and very thorny path of transformation from a frantic fighter against a dictatorial regime to a man who actually became the country’s president for life. The author presents the methods by which Ortega achieved power and thereby ensured his political longevity. The author pays special attention to the role of Rosario Murillo, the politician’s wife, whose importance is growing in the internal political life of the state. The article provides an overview of the political history of the country in recent decades, the author also presents the peculiarities of Ortega’s biography and professional development. The author examines the stages of the party struggle in Nicaragua and the role of Ortega in this process. The author analyzes in detail the opinions of various experts regarding political events that took place in Nicaragua. The author traces and analyzes the main trends in economic development of Nicaragua, including cooperation with the Russian Federation. The author notes the role of Nicaragua in assisting the Russian Federation on the international arena. The author emphasizes the diversity of the spheres in which cooperation and interaction of the two countries is carried out.


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