scholarly journals O CAMINHO BRASILEIRO PARA O FASCISMO

Caderno CRH ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 021009
Author(s):  
Armando Boito Jr.
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mots Clés ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Government ◽  
Base Of Support ◽  
Marxist Tradition ◽  
Brazilian Politics

<p>O artigo analisa a natureza do governo Bolsonaro, da sua base social de apoio mais ativa e da crise política que lhe deu origem. Polemiza com a bibliografia clássica e atual sobre o fascismo e, operando com um conceito de fascismo inserido na tradição marxista, caracteriza o governo e sua base social como (neo)fascistas. Sustenta a necessidade de construir uma tipologia das crises políticas nas sociedades capitalistas e procura mostrar que a natureza e a dinâmica da crise política brasileira de 2015-2018 são típicas da crise política que dá origem ao fascismo. Insere o bolsonarismo no contexto da democracia ainda existente no Brasil, que caracteriza como uma democracia burguesa em crise.</p><p><strong>THE BRAZILIAN PATH TO FASCISM</strong><br /><br />The article analyzes the nature of the Bolsonaro Government, its most active social base of support, and the political crisis that gave rise to it. It polemizes with the classical and current bibliography on fascism and, operating with a concept of fascism embedded in the Marxist tradition, characterizes the government and its social base as (neo)fascists. It argues for the need to develop a typology of political crises in capitalist societies, showing that the nature and dynamics of the 2015-2018 Brazilian political crisis are typical of the political crisis that gives rise to fascism. Finally, it places bolsonarismo in the context of the democracy still existing in Brazil, which it characterizes as a bourgeois democracy in crisis.</p><p>Keywords: Brazilian Politics. Bolsonaro Government.Neo-fascism. Political Crisis.</p><p><strong>LE CHEMIN BRÉSILIEN VERS LE FACISME</strong></p><p>L’article analyse la nature du gouvernement Bolsonaro, sa base sociale de soutien la plus active et la crise politique qui les a engendrés. Il polémique avec la bibliographie classique et actuelle sur le fascisme et, opérant avec un concept de fascisme ancré dans la tradition marxiste, caractérise le gouvernement et sa base sociale comme (néo) fascistes. Il soutient le besoin de développer une typologie des crises politiques dans les sociétés capitalistes et entend montrer que la nature at dynamique de la crise politique brésilienne de 2015-2018 sont typiques de celle qui donne naissance au fascisme. Il place le bolsonarisme dans le contexte de la démocratie existant encore au Brésil, qu’il caractérise comme une démocratie bourgeoise en crise.</p><p>Mots-clés: Politique Brésilienne. Gouvernement Bolsonaro. Néofascisme. Crise Politique.</p>

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

Nicaragua: De-democratization and Regime Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Martí i Puig ◽  
Macià Serra
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
Nicaraguan Politics ◽  
Regime Crisis

ABSTRACTThe aim of this article is to analyze three key issues in current Nicaraguan politics and in the political debate surrounding hybrid regimes: de-democratization, political protest, and the fall of presidencies. First, it analyzes the process of de-democratization that has been taking place in Nicaragua since 2000. It shows that the 2008 elections were not competitive but characteristic of an electoral authoritarian regime. Second, it reflects on the kind of regime created in Nicaragua under Daniel Ortega’s mandate, focusing on the system’s inability to process any kind of protest and dissent. Third, it examines the extent to which the protests that broke out in April 2018 may predict the early end to Ortega’s presidency, or whether Nicaragua’s political crisis may lead to negotiations between the government and the opposition.

IMF lending will prod Ukraine to sustain reforms

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Capital Markets ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Capital ◽  
Content Type ◽  
International Capital Markets ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Government

Significance After releasing 1 billion dollars in April, the IMF is urging Ukraine to implement land and pension reforms to make it eligible for further lending tranches. The government is finding it hard to pursue controversial changes opposed by many voters and taken up as causes by the political opposition. Gontareva's resignation reflects a lack of government support and is a setback for the reformist camp. Impacts The 'economic war' emerging alongside armed conflict in the east will dent prospects for growth and reform. Failure to secure further IMF financing could accelerate the planned return to international capital markets, perhaps in the third quarter. Attempts to push through reforms such as land sales may lead to increased political strife but not a full-blown political crisis.

scholarly journals Albania Between the Crisis of the Parliamentary Dialectic and the Dominant Role of the Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Considerable Controversy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021

scholarly journals Malaysia: State and Society Measures in Safety and Security Against COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-194
Author(s):  
Atika Shafinaz Nazri ◽  
Kartini Aboo Talib @ Khalid ◽  
Zaliha Harun ◽  
Ahmad Nidzammuddin Sulaiman
Keyword(s):  
Economic Recession ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Security Council ◽  
Government Sector ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

COVID-19 pandemic is now a global crisis, with the number of known cases climbing daily and millions of people stranded at home. As countries toil to preserve the lives of their people, economies are grinding to a halt. At that dismal time, Malaysia is going through a vast political crisis with a new leader, and several states have new governments. In this vein, the present study aims at shedding how Malaysian responses to the COVID-19 pandemic? This study adopted a qualitative approach by using the secondary data collected from the journal, the official website of the government sector, NGOs, authorized bodies, and newspapers. Our finding shows although Malaysia had COVID-19 during the political crisis, a new ruling party is competent to manage the issue accordingly with the Ministry of Health and the National Security Council plays a vital role in the management of the pandemic. The government has taken various kinds of measures to ensure the pandemic to be reduced, and economic recession could be minimizing that benefit Malaysian and non-citizenship notably to vulnerable with the amalgamate by numerous NGOs.

Political crisis threatens Brazil's tentative recovery

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Construction Company ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Significance The requests are based on plea bargains from former executives of construction company Odebrecht. While the names in ‘Janot’s list’ have not been disclosed, several of them have leaked to the media. They include six ministers in the government of President Michel Temer, two former presidents, ten state governors, and the heads of both houses of Congress. If confirmed, this would make the list a potent bombshell for the Brazilian political class. Impacts The corruption scandal looks set to disrupt next year’s presidential election. Politicians’ disdain for accountability will fuel outrage with the political class. The ground could be fertile for a candidate claiming to be an ‘outsider’.

Afera Grimma-Hoffmanna. Szwajcarski przypadek samowolnej misji parlamentarzysty w polityce zagranicznej

2021 ◽  
Vol 2(163) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Piotr Bednarz
Keyword(s):  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Swiss Society ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Secret Agent

The years of the First World War were also a difficult period for Swiss society. Its political polarization came out particularly sharply in the face of the political crises that occurred at the time. One of the most serious was the so-called Grimm-Hoffmann affair of June 1917. The leader of the Swiss socialist milieu, one of the better-known parliamentarians, Robert Grimm, who went to Stockholm to attend the socialist congress and then to Petrograd, turned out to be a secret agent of the head of the Political Department of the Swiss government, Arthur Hoffmann. Robert Grimm’s mission was to probe the new Russian government about the possibility of a separate peace between Russia and Germany. This exposed unlawful action, undertaken without the agreement of the government, led to an international scandal, as the actions of R. Grimm and A. Hoffmann were contrary to Switzerland’s policy of neutrality. At the same time, there was an intensified press campaign in the country against A. Hoffmann, ending with his resignation. The arguments used by the public in their attacks on A. Hoffmann, clearly show that the Swiss society did not tolerate the actions of parliamentarians that went against the customs of a democratic state.

The Period of Inflation, 1919–1923

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin H. Geyer
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
States Of Emergency ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Social ◽  
Currency Reform ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The years after the signing of the Versailles Peace Treaty on 28 June and the adoption of the Weimar Constitution on 11 August 1919 were dominated by inflation, which culminated in hyperinflation in 1923 and resulted in a currency reform. The republic mastered severe political crises such as the Kapp putsch in 1920, upheavals, and hyperinflation. At the same time, political life remained almost permanently in post-revolutionary crisis mode, suffering from both internal and external uncertainties, including reparations, which played a major role. Between 1919 and 1923, the government changed eight times. In particular, the year 1923 was marked by economic, political, and social states of emergency. After the political revolution in November 1918, inflation proved to be a revolution of a different kind, which contemporaries saw as crisis of the social order, but also as the expression of destructive modernity.

IMEMO in Early 1990s (continued)

2015 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
P. Cherkasov
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Social Liberalism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.

Institution of Impeachment (Juicio Político) in selected states of Latin America

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Joanna Składowska
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Attractive Alternative ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Control Character ◽  
Legal Character

The purpose of the article is to analyse the legal institution of juicio politico (impeachment) in the LatinAmerican presidential system, regarding the regulation adopted in Argentina, Brazil, Honduras and Paraguay. The hypothesis assumes that the impeachment in Latin America turns from the instrument of pure control character into the tool dedicated to resolve the political crisis by mean of “legislative coup d’état”. The author will search for the answers for the following questions: 1) what is the legal character of LatinAmerican impeachment? 2) what makes the impeachment more common in Latin America that in United States or European countries? 3) why does it become an attractive alternative for other methods to resolve political crises? The legal, institutional as well as the comparative method will be adopted in the article.

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