scholarly journals The Bolsheviks in Eastern Ukraine and their Competing State Projects (1917-1918): The Case of the Donets-Krivoi Rog Soviet Republic

Author(s):  
Hanna Perekhoda

After the Russian Revolution of February 1917, the definition of the Ukrainian territory became an important issue. One of the major controversies concerned the territorial affiliation of the eastern part of the country, a highly industrialised region located halfway between the Russian core and the Ukrainian periphery of the empire. This article focuses on the split within the Bolshevik Party between supporters of Donbass belonging to Ukraine and defenders of a Donets-Krivoi Rog republic attached to Russia. We show that this was not so much an ideological conflict between the "pro-Russians" and the "pro-Ukrainians" as it was a difference of views on the military and political strategy to be implemented in order to preserve the gains of the revolution and make its expansion possible. Moscow's decision to support the project of a Soviet Ukraine, thereby ruling out any possibility of separation of its eastern region, can be explained both by the desire to solve immediate problems (circumventing the provisions of a peace treaty, strengthening control over local Soviet institutions) and by the search for long-term solutions (advancing the world revolution, guaranteeing the stability of a multiethnic state that emerged from the disintegration of the Russian Empire).

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Vladimir N. Benda

The purpose of the research is to analyse the experience of organising the educational process and daily life of the Land Gentry Cadet Corps of the Russian Empire. The article deals with the issues related to the definition of the role of Land Gentry Cadet Corps, which it played in the training of command personnel (officers and non-commissioned officers) for the Russian army and in the development of the military school of the Russian state during this period. Scientific novelty of the work lies in the approach to the study of the educational process in the cadet corps from the point of view of accounting and use of their experience to being in connection with the revival and development of specialised aircraft, artillery and other military schools in modern Russia. Based on the studied archival and other sources, the author focuses on the role of heads of military educational institutions in instilling high moral qualities and professional knowledge in cadets. Some previously unpublished archival sources are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.


Author(s):  
Renaud Egreteau

This chapter seeks to provide a realistic assessment of the other long-term challenges that continue to plague Myanmar. While many are not necessarily hindering democratization, all pose considerable threats to the stability of the country and the long-term process of national reconciliation. Prominent among them is the multifaceted political and social clientelisms that are entrenched in Burmese society. Such is the case for the oligarchical structuration and weaknesses of the national economy, as well as Myanmar’s peculiar geography. This chapter looks at why the country cannot avoid considering the impact that its geopolitical situation has long imposed on its domestic developments. Myanmar’s position at the crossroads of India and China, where politics remains volatile and democratic consolidation is an endlessly moving target, may provide the military with incentives to remain involved in politics.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 461-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
CARLOS HUNEEUS

This article analyses the role of the economic team known as the ‘Chicago Boys’ and of the main political faction in Pinochet's Chile, the ‘Gremialists’, founded by Jaime Guzmán in the Catholic University in 1966. These two sectors of the elite had a common professional and political career and were the principal civilian groups of the dictatorship who developed a long-term political strategy that deeply influenced both the economic and political orientation of the military regime. They shared a long-term power strategy, that was basically defined by the ‘Gremialists’. The article focuses on the role played by ODEPLAN in shaping the economic reforms. It demonstrates that the coherence of the economic model inherent in the implementation of its policies is to be found in the integration of the policies with a political project, articulated by the ‘Gremialists’.I want to make it clear that I am convinced that the main responsibility for all that is going on in Chile lies not with the military, but rather with the civilian advisors and the whole climate of adulation and servilism that the economic right has created around them, The ideology of the government was born in the most traditional circles of the economic right, disguised under the sign of ‘nationalism’ and shielded behind ‘the courage to declare oneself anti- Marxist’.


1988 ◽  
Vol 129 ◽  
pp. 507-507
Author(s):  
R.F.C. Vessot

The present status of research and development in atomic hydrogen maser clocks gives stability of 3×10−16 in Δf/f for intervals of several hours. Long-term drift rates are in the order of 1×10−15/day and uninterrupted operating lifetimes of more than 4 years are fairly common with SAO's VLG-series masers. Experiments with improved techniques for separating atoms in the desired state confirm that stability can be achieved with existing technology at levels below 1×10−16. A four-fold improvement beyond this level appears feasible with more smoothly applied storage volume coatings of fluorinated materials. A recent breakthrough in technology has been made by SAO/Harvard, M.I.T. and, University of British Columbia, by operating hydrogen masers at 0.4K using storage coatings of superfluid liquid helium. This promises stability better than 1 × 10−17 in Δf/f for intervals longer than 30 seconds. Features of a hydrogen maser operating at room temperature, developed at SAO for long-term (∼7 years) unattended operation in space, are described. Possible applications of such masers with stability ∼1×10−16 for intervals 104–105 seconds in a deep space network of 4 (or more) radio astronomy antennas interconnected by time correlated one-way and two-way Doppler systems are discussed. By comparing the phase of signals propagated in both senses around the four (or more) closed triangular paths, changes in the magnitude and direction of the baselines can be determined with reference to inertial space defined by the constancy and isotropy of the velocity of light. The system is also sensitive to pulsed gravitational radiation at wavelengths less than the inter-terminal distances. Sensitivity is limited by the stability of the clocks and the fluctuations of ionization in the paths between stations. Multiple station time correlation of Doppler fluctuation in the signals between the six (or more) inter-terminal paths can be used to determine the direction and polarization of the pulsed gravitational radiation.


2018 ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Vladyslav Verstiuk

The article describes the time when after the fall of autocracy in the Russian Empire, the power was taken by the Central Council of Ukraine emerged in Kyiv. The fall of autocracy gave a chance for change, the newly formed Provisional Government declared its inclination to renewal and democratization processes. Ukrainians enthusiastically met the revolution. The Central Council of Ukraine emerged in Kyiv to head the national liberation movement. It based the political strategy on the slogan of gaining national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine in the Federal Democratic Republic of Russia. The strength of the federalist-autonomous model was that in the First World War it made it possible to legitimately put the “Ukrainian question” to the Provisional Government and the Russian political elite without being accused of separatism. Signing of the Brest Peace Treaty testified to the success of young non-professional Ukrainian diplomacy. This was the first earnest act of the UPR on the international scene. However, given the circumstances Ukraine experienced, it had small effect. The difference could have been made only by a third-party military aid from countries of the Fourth Alliance, which later resulted in the occupation of Ukrainian lands. Unfortunately, it turned into the occupation of Ukrainian lands. The weakest side of the Central Council was its Foreign policy. It was started with a considerable delay, it was a late reaction to the actions of the Bolsheviks. As a result, the Central Council failed to achieve recognition among the Entente countries, and a peace treaty with the Fourth Alliance in the long run, after the end of the World War, compromised Ukrainian statehood in the eyes of the victors. The author emphasizes that wartime occupations acquire take the form of colonial exploitation and subordination regimes, which is clearly illustrated by the Central Powers’ presence in Ukraine in 1918. It is also concluded that the Central Council, willing to rescue Ukraine from one disaster, brought it new challenges. Keywords: Central Council, General Secretariat, Ukraine, occupation, international scene, Brest Peace Treaty, Fourth Alliance.


1979 ◽  
Vol 42 (04) ◽  
pp. 1135-1140 ◽  
Author(s):  
G I C Ingram

SummaryThe International Reference Preparation of human brain thromboplastin coded 67/40 has been thought to show evidence of instability. The evidence is discussed and is not thought to be strong; but it is suggested that it would be wise to replace 67/40 with a new preparation of human brain, both for this reason and because 67/40 is in a form (like Thrombotest) in which few workers seem to use human brain. A �plain� preparation would be more appropriate; and a freeze-dried sample of BCT is recommended as the successor preparation. The opportunity should be taken also to replace the corresponding ox and rabbit preparations. In the collaborative study which would be required it would then be desirable to test in parallel the three old and the three new preparations. The relative sensitivities of the old preparations could be compared with those found in earlier studies to obtain further evidence on the stability of 67/40; if stability were confirmed, the new preparations should be calibrated against it, but if not, the new human material should receive a calibration constant of 1.0 and the new ox and rabbit materials calibrated against that.The types of evidence available for monitoring the long-term stability of a thromboplastin are discussed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
Barrie J. Wills

A warm welcome to our "World of Difference" to all delegates attending this conference - we hope your stay is enjoyable and that you will leave Central Otago with an enhanced appreciation of the diversity of land use and the resilient and growing economic potential that this region has to offer. Without regional wellbeing the national economy will struggle to grow, something Central Government finally seems to be realising, and the Central Otago District Council Long Term Plan 2012-2022 (LTP) signals the importance of establishing a productive economy for the local community which will aid in the economic growth of the district and seeks to create a thriving economy that will be attractive to business and residents alike. Two key principles that underpin the LTP are sustainability and affordability, with the definition of sustainability being "… development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs."


Moreana ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 40 (Number 153- (1-2) ◽  
pp. 219-239
Author(s):  
Anne Lake Prescott

Thomas More is often called a “humanist,” and rightly so if the word has its usual meaning in scholarship on the Renaissance. “Humanist” has by now acquired so many different and contradictory meanings, however, that it needs to be applied carefully to the likes of More. Many postmodernists tend to use the word, pejoratively, to mean someone who believes in an autonomous self, the stability of words, reason, and the possibility of determinable meanings. Without quite arguing that More was a postmodernist avant la lettre, this essay suggests that he was not a “humanist” who stalks the pages of much recent postmodernist theory and that in fact even while remaining a devout Catholic and sensible lawyer he was quite as aware as any recent critic of the slipperiness of human selves and human language. It is time that literary critics tightened up their definition of “humanist,” especially when writing about the Renaissance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-175
Author(s):  
Grigor Grigorov

AbstractThis report examines the evolution and nature of the concept of motivation. It performs a theoretical analysis of the definitions of motivation and attempts to give a scientific definition of the phenomenon of motivation for practising the military profession. The results of the analysis will enable commanders to understand more clearly military motivation in order to effectively manage their subordinates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 68-85
Author(s):  
D. V. Streltsov

The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.


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