scholarly journals Domain D: Networks

2020 ◽  
pp. 101-111
Author(s):  
Colin Ray Anderson ◽  
Janneke Bruil ◽  
M. Jahi Chappell ◽  
Csilla Kiss ◽  
Michel Patrick Pimbert
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Informal Networks ◽  
Commodity Group ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Local Organizations ◽  
Affinity Groups ◽  
Agroecological Transition

AbstractIn this chapter we examine how local organizations, affinity groups and the formal and informal networks they form provide the basis for the collective, coordinated actions needed for agroecological transformation at different scales. Civil society-driven networks are crucial because they facilitate a kind of cooperation that cannot be generated by the market or the state. On the other hand, the absence of appropriate networks can substantially limit agroecological transition, for example where political dynamics undermine or weaken the development of networks for collective action. Another disabling dimension of this domain is the compartmentalization of networks (e.g. by commodity group), which is a contradiction to the holism of agroecology. Perhaps most challenging is the growing individualization of society that is creating a growing barrier to cooperativism.

scholarly journals Liberalism, Governmentality and Counter-Conduct; An Introduction to Foucauldian Analytics of Liberal Civil Society Notions

2015 ◽  
pp. 8-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miikka Pyykkönen
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Potential Field ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Coercive Power ◽  
Historical Reality ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

This article gives an analysis of Foucault’s studies of civil society and the various liberalist critiques of government. It follows from Foucault’s genealogical approach that “civil society” does not in itself possess any form of transcendental existence; its historical reality must be seen as the result of the productive nature of the power-knowledge-matrices. Foucault emphasizes that modern governmentality—and more specifically the procedures he names “the conduct of conduct”—is not exercised through coercive power and domination, but is dependent on the freedom and activeness of individuals and groups of society. Civil society is thus analyzed as fundamentally ambivalent: on the one hand civil society is a field where different kinds of technologies of governance meet the lives and wills of groups and individuals, but on the other hand it is a potential field of what Foucault called ‘counter-conduct’ – for both collective action and individual political action.

scholarly journals Poverty as a Political Choice: a Comparative Analysis of Reports of the UN Rapporteur’s Visits to the UK and Spain

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Cummins ◽  
Emilio José Gómez-Ciriano
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis paper presents a comparative analysis of two reports by the UN Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, one for Spain and one for the UK. In both countries, austerity policies were introduced following the banking crisis of 2008. The UN Rapporteur reports highlight the damage that was done by welfare retrenchment. In particular, the reports document the impact of austerity on the most vulnerable individuals and communities. The paper uses Somers' (2008) conceptual model of citizenship as the basis for a comparative analysis of two reports. Somers' (2008) model of citizenship is a triadic one which sees the state, market and civil society as competing elements. Each one can serve to regulate and limit the influence or excesses of the other two. Somers argues that neoliberalism has seen the dominance of the market at the expense of the role of the state and the institutions of civil society. Austerity policies saw the market dominating. Having examined the context of the two reports and their conclusions, the paper discussed the implications for individual social workers’ practice and the role of social work as a profession in tackling poverty and marginalisation.

scholarly journals POLITICAL THREATS ONPERSONAL DETERIORATION THROUGH TRENDSETTING OF SARA EVENTS

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
W Wahyudi
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Group Relation ◽  
The Road ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Crime

This article analyzes the phenomenon of socio-political “crime”, which occursand develops in the state life of Indonesia. The form of this phenomenon is socialnegativism; a concept of which views the different socio-cultural attributes apartfrom itself as negativity. The ideology of this concept resulted in personalitydeterioration through the trendsetting events with a background of ethnicity,religion, race, and inter-group relation on social media. This portrait of the socialworld is very much in contradiction with the character or identity of Indonesianswho uphold the values and norms of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Thepersonality deterioration politics aims at destroying the integrity of politicalcontestants, both generally and in particular, therefore, it can widen the road to itssuccess in gaining power supremacy. The emergence of personality deteriorationpolitics is due to the weakness of civil society in Indonesia. On one side, theIndonesian public still depends significantly on the state, and on the other hand,it does not have full freedom to avoid the nepotism as a common practice in thecountry. This weakness of Indonesian civil society has resulted in the inability ofmulticulturalism to develop in the country.The particular situation and condition have caused the more common practice ofsocial negativism and personal deterioration. These pathogenic social phenomena, bothmicro and macro, has become a serious threat towards the life of the nation, which aims atcreating prosperity and serenity for all its citizen.

Hegel's Views on War, the State, and International Relations

1983 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 624-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven B. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Ethical Life ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
The One ◽  
Kantian Morality

In this article I argue a thesis about Hegel's views on war different from most previous interpreters, e.g., Popper and Hook on the one side and Avineri and Pelczynski on the other. In particular I argue that his reflections on war are an attempt to answer the problem of political obligation or the question of why should anyone willingly die for the state. Accordingly, I examine briefly Hegel's critique of Kantian morality for its inability to account for political obligation proper and although ultimately I conclude that Hegel never completely extricated himself from Kant's belief in a providentialist historicism leading to a condition of “perpetual peace,” I still want to suggest that war remains for Hegel an essential moment in the “ethical” life of the state and perhaps the chief means whereby the dignity and autonomy of the state can be exerted over the network of private interests that constitutes civil society.

scholarly journals Pagodas and Prophets: Contesting Sacred Space and Power among Buddhist Karen in Karen State

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 1083-1105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoko Hayami
Keyword(s):  
Sacred Space ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Theravada Buddhism ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Hybrid Nature ◽  
The One ◽  
Alternative Understanding

This paper analyzes multi-layered religious practices among local Buddhist Karen on the plains of Karen State in Burma, within the context of the larger socio-political dynamics of Burmese Buddhism. The purpose is threefold: first, to give ethnographic details of the hybrid nature of religious practices among Buddhist Pwo Karen, thereby demonstrating how sacred space and power are contested, despite the strong hand of the state; second, to challenge the assumed equation between non-Buddhist minorities on the one hand, and Buddhists as a lowland majority aligned to the state on the other; and third, to raise an alternative understanding to predominantly state-centered perspectives on Theravada Buddhism. Field-based observations on the young charismatic Phu Taki and his community, as well as on the practice of pagoda worship called Duwae that has hitherto been undocumented are presented. These are examined in relation to the changing religious policies of the regime, especially since the policies of “Myanmafication” of Buddhism by the reformist council began in 1980.

Parties and the State

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The One ◽  
Private Associations

For most of their history, political parties were understood to be external to the state. Particularly starting in the last quarter of the twentieth century, there has been an accelerating trend to redefine the relationships between parties and civil society on the one hand, and between parties and the state, on the other. Parties have been drawing away from society and moving toward the state. Parties often draw a large portion of their resources from the state in the form of subventions and are increasingly regulated by the state according to norms more generally associated with public entities than with private associations. The resulting similarity of regulatory and financial circumstances, and the expansion of partisan public offices shared by parties that are temporarily in office and temporarily out of office, both brings the mainstream parties closer to one another and blurs the boundary between parties and the state.

Remaking the State or Creating Civil Society? Vietnamese Migrant Associations in Poland

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Transnational Connections ◽  
The One ◽  
Migrant Associations

In this essay, I analyze Vietnamese migrant associations in Poland, which have been routinely classified as “non-governmental organizations.” And yet, through their involvement in networks of relationships with a broad range of actors, including transnational connections with institutions back in Vietnam, they are in fact positioned in a liminal zone between the state and civil society. On the one hand, migrant associations are to a large extent entangled with the politics of the Vietnamese state through various channels, including the embassy, and through personal and institutional connections maintained with mass organizations such as the Fatherland Front and the Women’s Union. On the other hand, they are able to retain some degree of autonomy and pluralism, remaining active agents engaged with the fraught social and political activities of Vietnamese diasporics in Poland.

scholarly journals Informal networks and interstitial arenas of power in the making of civil society law in Serbia

Sociologija ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Mikus
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Informal Networks ◽  
Anthropological Perspective ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
Civil Society Participation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Stable Network ◽  
Law Making

This paper adopts an anthropological perspective on law to examine the social processes surrounding the making of a set of recent civil society laws in Serbia. In line with the dominant liberal assumptions about civil society involvement as a way of making policy- and law-making more representative and democratic, there has been significant civil society participation in these legal reforms. Their stated aim was to bring greater ?efficiency? and ?transparency? to the activities of civil society and its relationships with the state. They were a part of the greatly intensified law-making activity in Serbia that reflects an ideology of legalism linked to the global neoliberal turn to depoliticised ?governance.? My analysis reveals that these reforms contradicted their own objectives since they were consistently dominated by a small and relatively stable network of organisations and individuals connected by informal relationships. It also shows that, through their protracted domination over the making of civil society law, these actors created a new political arena in the interstices of the state and civil society in which they pursued their own political and ideological agendas. These findings challenge the assumptions about the relationship between civil society participation and democratisation as well as the ideology of legalism.

scholarly journals Sociedad civil y educación de la conciencia moral

10.14201/3044 ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Manuel Touriñán López
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Cross Cultural ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Third Generation ◽  
The Third ◽  
State Supervision ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
Société Civile

RESUMEN: El sentido de lo social se ha enriquecido en nuestros días debido al carácter transnacional de las acciones globales. Ya no hablamos simplemente de derechos sociales que requieren la subsidiación del Estado con unos medios que no pertenecen a ningún individuo en particular; hablamos de derechos que reclaman la cooperación positiva de los Estados y la sociedad civil, más allá de las fronteras territoriales. Esto modifica el carácter de territorialidad del Estado y el sentido del compromiso de la sociedad civil.Este nuevo desafío tiene que asumir las consecuencias de entender la transnacionalidad y la glocalización como condiciones inherentes de los derechos de tercera generación y esto exige replantear los problemas en la sociedad civil desde una ética que asume la realidad del otro y está elaborada a partir de la singularidad de las situaciones y la universalidad de los valores.ABSTRACT: The meaning of «social» has been enriched nowadays due to the cross-cultural nature of global actions. We do not now simply refer to social rights under the State supervision with means that do not belong to any concrete individual. We talk about rights that require the positive co-operation of States and civil society, co-operation which surpass countries' boundaries. Indeed, this modifies the state belonging sense and the civil society's commitments.This new challenge has to be able to manage the consequences of seeing both cross-culturalism and glocalism as inherent conditions of the third generation rights, and all of that requires rethinking the problems within civil society from an ethic scheme that understands «the other» and that is also based on the singularity of each situation and the universalisation of (human) values.SOMMAIRE: Le sens de ce qui est social c'est enrichi dans nos jours, étant donné le caractère transnational des actions globales. Nous ne parlons pas simplement de droits sociaux qui requièrent l'allocation de l'État avec des moyens qui n'appartiennent à aucun individu en particulier; nous parlons de droits qui réclament la coopération positive des États et de la société civile, au-delà des frontières territoriales. Ceci modifie le caractère de territorialité de l'État et le sens du compromis de la société civile.Ce nouveau défi doit assumer les conséquences de comprendre la transnationalité et la glocalisation comme conditions inhérentes des droits de troisième génération et ceci exige de remettre en question les problèmes dans la société civile depuis une éthique qui assume la réalité de l'autre et est élaborée à partir de la singularité des situations et l'universalité des valeurs.

When civil engagement is part of the problem: Flawed anti-corruptionism in Russia and Ukraine

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Zaloznaya ◽  
William M. Reisinger ◽  
Vicki Hesli Claypool
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Positive Role ◽  
Business Elites ◽  
Effective Governance ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
The Government

In developing countries, the fight against corruption entails purges of political and business elites and the restructuring of electoral, financial, and social provision systems, all of which are costly for the incumbents and, therefore, unlikely without sustained pressure from civil society. In the absence of empirical analyses, scholars and practitioners have, therefore, assumes that civil society plays an unequivocally positive role in anticorruptionism. In this article, we challenge this dominant assumption. Instead, we show that, under certain conditions, an engaged non-governmental community may, in fact, undermine the fight against corruption. Using the data from forty interviews with anticorruption practitioners in Ukraine and Russia, as well as primary documentary sources, we present two models of anti-corruptionism whereby active civil engagement produces suboptimal outcomes. One is faux collaboration, defined as a façade of cooperation between the state and civil society, which hides the reality of one-sided reforms. The other model is that of non-collaborative co-presence, whereby the governance role is shared by the government and non-governmental activists without compromise-based solutions. In both cases, civil engagement helps perpetuate abuses of power and subvert such long-term goals of anti-corruption reforms as democratization and effective governance.

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