scholarly journals Condominium Government and the Right to Live in the City

Author(s):  
Douglas C. Harris

AbstractCondominium is an architecture of land ownership that produces separate, privately owned units within multi-unit developments. Condominium also constructs a form of private, democratic government, described as a fourth order of government, that acts beneath federal and provincial governments, and alongside municipal government, to govern owners and their property. This article considers a conflict between residential-unit owners and a commercial-unit owner within a condominium development in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. Drawing from material produced in litigation, the article situates the dispute within its property and urban contexts to argue that condominium government requires attention, and not just for its impact on owners, or even residents within, but also because cities must now account for, work alongside, and, in some circumstances, contend with these rapidly proliferating sites of government that are helping to shape who has the right to live in the city.

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (29) ◽  
pp. 76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brito Hanníbal ◽  
Viteri Rafaela ◽  
Guevara Luis ◽  
Villacrés Mario ◽  
Jara Janeth ◽  
...  

The process of obtaining compost was developed at the Agroambiental Ricpamba theme park administrated by the Autonomous Municipal Government of Riobamba (GADM, where an organic fertilizer was obtained from solid waste generated in the wholesale market of the city of Riobamba in order to be use in parks, gardens, green spaces and in agriculture, for which, a stack of 1,0 tonne was armed formed with fixed proportions in relation to weight / weight from three organic components of plant type: Organic solid waste wholesale market (600 kg), tree pruning waste of the Polytechnic School of Chimborazo (300 kg), and prunings waste of ornamental palm (Phoenix canariensis) from the city of Riobamba (100 kg) To achieve adequate carbon nitrogen ratio (C/N). The compost was performed using an open stack system and manual turning; during the process a daily control of temperature and humidity was performed, besides that during each dump material samples were taken for analysis of the most important parameters, thus controlling the process. The temperature evolution of the stack in the mesophilic phase reached 45 °C and thermophilic phase temperature was above 60 °C, which was controlled with manual turns. Once the process was finished the quality of the compost was proved by the physical-chemical analysis, chemical-biological to determine its quality. Additionally the solid waste generated in the Public Municipal Market of “San Pedro de Riobamba” (EP-EMMPA) were classified and quantified on a daily basis. The solid waste were classified in 6 groups: organic, plastics, paper, cardboard, wood and others, being organic waste the ones found in a greater amount, in an average of 95.59%. The obtained product has the right physical-chemical, chemical-biological property to be used as an organic fertilizer or soil improver by providing essential nutrients, macro and micro elements required by plants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-398
Author(s):  
André Viana Custódio ◽  
Cristiano Lange dos Santos

ResumoO presente trabalho examina a subcultura do graffiti e da pixação. O problema é como a falta de políticas públicas de arte urbana, que promovam a cultura de rua, recai em casos de cometimento de infrações, desconstrói o universo urbano e criminaliza os casos de graffiti – ilegal – e a pixação na cidade de Porto Alegre. O trabalho está organizado em cinco momentos: no primeiro examina-se como os jovens interagem com o espaço urbano, buscando dispor do direito à cidade; no segundo, apresenta-se alguns apontamentos sobre a cultura do graffiti na cidade; em terceiro, discute-se a distinção entre o graffiti e a pixação; em quarto, verifica-se os aspectos jurídicos do graffiti e a descriminalização trazida pela Lei n. 12.408, de 25 de maio de 2011, além das Leis Complementares municipais n. 771 de 21 de setembro de 2015 e 814 de 19 de julho de 2017; em quinto, examina-se a existência de políticas públicas no campo do graffiti e apresentam-se sugestões. O método de abordagem é dedutivo e o método de procedimento é monográfico, com técnicas de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental nos sites do governo municipal e com base na Lei de Acesso à Informação (LAI). Conclui-se que o aumento de repressão não reduz o índice de grafitagem e pixações, mas estimula o seu aumento.Palavras-chave: juventude; graffiti; pixação; direito a cidade; políticas públicas. AbstractThis work deals with tagging and graffiti as a youthful political and artistic expression to claim the right to the city. The general objective of this work is to discuss the youth subculture of tagging and graffiti in the city of Porto Alegre. The problem defined is how, the lack of public policies of urban art, which promote street culture, falls in cases of committing infractions, deconstructs the urban universe and criminalizes the cases of tagging – not allowed – and graffiti in the city of Porto Alegre? The work is organized in five moments: in the first one it examines how young people interact with urban space, seeking to have the right to the city; in the second, there are some notes about the graffiti culture in the city; third, the distinction between tagging and graffiti is discussed; fourth, there are legal aspects of graffiti and decriminalization brought by Law No. 12.408 of May 25 th , 2011, in addition to Municipal Supplementary Laws No. 771 of September 21 th , 2015 and 814 of July 19 th, 2017; fifth, the existence of public policies in the field of graffiti is examined and suggestions are presented. The method of approach is deductive and the procedure method is monographic, with bibliographic and documentary research techniques on the websites of the Municipal Government and based on the Law of Access to Information (LAI). It is concluded that the increase in repression does not reduce the index of tagging and graffiti, but stimulates its increase.Keywords: Youth; Tagging; Graffiti; Right To The City; Public Policies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-370
Author(s):  
Martin Jayo ◽  
Adriana Tavares Lima

After being practiced for nearly three decades in the city of São Paulo for privately-owned venues such as cinemas, theaters and, more recently, sports stadiums, the sale of naming rights is being applied to state-owned spaces: in April 2020, the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo (Cia. do Metrô) announced a plan to grant to private exploitation the right to name its stations. This article analyzes this plan, its premises and expectations. It concludes that, while a series of conflicts related to the memory of the city and its spatial landmarks have been identified by recent studies on toponymic commodification and suggested by the city’s antecedents on this matter, such conflicts do not seem to be considered in the plan’s agenda.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Horner

During the summer of 1847 the impact of famine, disease, and social upheaval in Ireland was felt in port cities across the North Atlantic World. As an important hub of commerce and migration, Montreal was deeply affected by these events. The arrival of thousands of Irish migrants, many of whom had contracted typhus during their journey, touched off a contentious debate in the city. An engaged and alarmed public threw their support behind a proposal put forward by representatives of the municipal government that called for the construction of an elaborate quarantine facility just down the St. Lawrence River from the city. This facility, which migrants would be confined at until their healthy status was confirmed beyond reasonable doubt, promised to return order not only to Montreal, but to the entire migration process. The body appointed by the colonial administration, however, rejected the proposal, and tabled a far more modest plan that would continue to house migrants in sheds located just a stone’s throw away from the city’s western suburbs. The highly charged debate that ensued furnishes us with an opportunity to examine how the city’s political elite and the broader public were thinking through questions about migration, public health, and the contours of liberal governance. The objective of this article is to consider the role that moments of crisis such as this played in shaping the city’s political culture, and to place the events of 1847 in the context of the larger struggle between local and metropolitan authority occurring during this period.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zieleniec

Modern graffiti has become a universal urban phenomenon, an almost ubiquitous feature of towns and cities across the world. This paper will situate the practice and production of graffiti within various urban contexts (aesthetic, political, economic, social and semiotic) through the seminal works Henri Lefebvre as a means for analysing and understanding the complexity of the modern urban and to contextualize and explore graffiti’s role in challenging and contesting the socio-spatial norms of increasingly privatized and commodified public and social space. That is, to read graffiti as a means for reclaiming and remaking the city as a more humane and just, social space.


2020 ◽  
pp. 166-186
Author(s):  
Klisala Harrison

As important and sometimes troubling as the previously described music projects can be, they are threatened with complete obliteration during gentrification in such socioeconomically depressed urban neighborhoods as the Downtown Eastside. Gentrification transforms a socioeconomically depressed urban area for middle- and upper-class use. As urban poor are displaced, this threatens their right to the city, which refers to their abilities to exercise the human rights involved in living in their chosen city area. At the same time, funding becomes more available for capability building through the arts and for professional arts. Resultantly, popular music theater has flourished during the gentrification of the Downtown Eastside. What has been the role of urban poor, and particularly participants in jams and music therapy, in the music theater productions? Which human rights regarding the right to the city have those performances supported for urban poor?


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
А. И. Кольба ◽  
Н. В. Кольба

The article describes the structural characteristics of the urban communities of the city of Krasnodar and the related features that impact their participation in urban conflicts. This issue is considered in a number of scientific publications, but there is a need to expand the empirical base of such studies. On the base of expert interviews conducted with both city activists, their counterparty (representatives of the municipal government) and external observers (journalists), the parameters of urban communities functioning in the process of their interaction with other conflict actors are revealed. The communities characteristics such as the predominantly territorial principle of formation, the overlap of online and offline communications in their activities, the presence of a “core” with a relatively low number of permanent participants and others are determined. Their activities are dominated by neighborly and civilian models of participation in conflicts. The possibilities of realizing one’s own interests through political interactions (participation in elections, the activities of representative bodies of power, political parties) are not yet sufficiently understood. Urban communities, as a rule, operate within the framework of conventional forms of participation in solving urgent problems, although in some cases it is possible to use confrontational methods, in particular, protest ones. In this regard, the most often used compromise, with the desire for cooperation, a strategy of behavior in interaction with opponents. The limited activating role of conflicts in the activities of communities has been established. The weak manifestation of the civil and especially political component in their activities determines the preservation of a low level of political subjectivity. This factor restrains the growth of urban communities resources and the possibility of applying competitive strategies in interaction with city government and business.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-287

The article examines the impact of the discourses concerning idleness and food on the formation of “production art” in the socio-political context of revolutionary Petrograd. The author argues that the development of the theory and practice of this early productionism was closely related to the larger political, social and ideological processes in the city. The Futurists, who were in the epicenter of Petrograd politics during the Civil War (1918–1921), were well acquainted with both of the discourses mentioned, and they contrasted the idleness of the old art with the dedicated labor of the “artist-proletarians” whom they valued as highly as people in the “traditional” working professions. And the search for the “right to exist” became the most important goal in a starving city dominated by the ideology of radical communism. The author departs from the prevailing approach in the literature, which links the artistic thought of the Futurists to Soviet ideology in its abstract, generalized form, and instead elucidates ideological influences in order to consider the early production texts in their immediate social and political contexts. The article shows that the basic concepts of production art (“artist-proletarian,” “creative labor,” etc.) were part of the mainstream trends in the politics of “red Petrograd.” The Futurists borrowed the popular notion of the “commune” for the title of their main newspaper but also worked with the Committees of the Rural Poor and with the state institutions for procurement and distribution. They took an active part in the Fine Art Department of Narkompros (People’s Commissariat of Education). The theory of production art was created under these conditions. The individualistic protest and “aesthetic terror” of pre-revolutionary Futurism had to be reconsidered, and new state policy measures were based on them. The harsh socio-economic context of war communism prompted artists to rethink their own role in the “impending commune.” Further development of these ideas led to the Constructivist movement and strongly influenced the extremely diverse trends within the “left art” of the 1920s.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márcio Piñon de Oliveira

A utopia do direito à cidade,  no  caso específico do Rio de Janeiro, começa, obrigatoriamente, pela  superação da visão dicotômica favela-cidade. Para isso, é preciso que os moradores da favela possam sentir-se tão cidadãos quanto os que têm moradias fora das favelas. A utopia do direito à cidade tem de levar a favela a própria utopia da cidade. Uma cidade que não se fragmente em oposições asfalto-favela, norte-sul, praia-subúrbio e onde todos tenham direito ao(s) seu(s) centro(s). Oposições que expressam muito mais do que diferenças de  localização e que  se apresentam recheadas de  segregação, estereótipos e  ideologias. Por outro  lado, o direito a cidade, como possibilidade histórica, não pode ser pensado exclusivamente a partir da  favela. Mas as populações  que aí habitam guardam uma contribuição inestimável para  a  construção prática  desse direito. Isso porque,  das  experiências vividas, emergem aprendizados e frutificam esperanças e soluções. Para que a favela seja pólo de um desejo que impulsione a busca do direito a cidade, é necessário que ela  se  pense como  parte da história da própria cidade  e sua transformação  em metrópole.Abstract The right  to the city's  utopy  specifically  in Rio de Janeiro, begins by surpassing  the dichotomy approach between favela and the city. For this purpose, it is necessary, for the favela dwellers, the feeling of citizens as well as those with home outside the favelas. The right to the city's utopy must bring to the favela  the utopy to the city in itself- a non-fragmented city in terms of oppositions like "asphalt"-favela, north-south, beach-suburb and where everybody has right to their center(s). These oppositions express much more the differences of location and present  themselves full of segregation, stereotypes and ideologies. On  the other  hand, the right to  the city, as historical possibility, can not be thought  just from the favela. People that live there have a contribution for a practical construction of this right. 


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