scholarly journals The Mechanics of Consensus: Nonterritorial Cultural Autonomy and the Russian State

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Prina

AbstractRussia’s institutions on nonterritorial cultural autonomy (NTCA) can be broadly situated within the country’s political community, in the sense that they—for the most part—recognize the government’s rules of engagement and its role as decision maker, leading to overarching consensus and pursuit of shared objectives. At the same time, they remain at the periphery of the political community. This article outlines the reasons for NTCA institutions’ peripherality and limited influence upon Russia’s minority policies. Such reasons are linked to external factors—Russia’s undemocratic political system—but also to conditions intrinsic to NTCA institutions themselves—forms of passivity and (non)participation, and blurred boundaries between NTCA institutions and state actors. The interaction of such factors generates the noted prevailing consensus between NTCA institutions and the Russian state. Interview data further reveal that representatives of NTCA institutions are far from monolithic: the said external and internal factors affect them in different ways, resulting in variations in forms of consensus and cooperation with state actors. This, in turn, allows for multiple interpretative frameworks of state–civil society coexistence in the sphere of Russia’s diversity management.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (12-3) ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Abdullah Hazaa Othmann ◽  
Oleg Grishin ◽  
Olga Nesterchuk

The article includes internal and external changes in the Saudi political system. Since King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz took over the reins of power in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia at the end of January 2015, and questions have increased about the nature of the changes occurring in the country of the Two Holy Mosques, both internally and externally, which marks an era of transformation from stability and stagnation in foreign policy to an era of change and adaptation to the crises of the current circumstances and dealing with dangerous transformations at the regional level, and especially since the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is one of the countries at the heart of the regional Arab order and is the center of leadership in the Islamic world with its spiritual and religious stature and Its influential strategic location in the Arabian Peninsula and the Arab and Islamic worlds. At the international level, the economic situation of the Kingdom and it’s being the owner of the largest oil reserves in the world and the largest country in terms of the volume of oil exported daily, as well as its distinguished relations with the United States, Russia, and other Western countries gave the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia a position on the global level.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


Author(s):  
M. Djamaluddin Miri

Mughal was one of the Islamic Kingdoms that stay long for about 342 years, starting from Sultan Zahr al-Din Muhammad (1483—1530 A.D) until Sultan Siraj al-Din Bahadur Syah (1837—1858 A.D). There are two prominent factors which caused the Kingdom of Mughal separated each other and faced the decrease, internal and external factors. Internally, the Kingdom of Mughal faced the decrease because of no system and mechanism on power succession, and also the lack leadership integrity of the next generation who descended the former leaders. The hedonism life style also became the main cause of the complicated political situation on the Kingdom. Moreover, the political policy which tends to be more puritanical and ideological also ruined the governmental system. Those internal factors, then, caused weak political control and powerless authority of the Kingdom in front of other kingdoms. As a consequence, many rebellions happened everywhere. It absolutely made the power of the Kingdom one by one belongs to other kingdoms.


2020 ◽  
pp. 66-105
Author(s):  
Daniel A. Bell ◽  
Wang Pei

This chapter turns to just hierarchies between citizens—mainly strangers to one another—in modern large-scale political communities. It argues that hierarchies between rulers and ruled in such communities are justified if the political system selects and promotes public officials with above-average ability and a willingness to serve the political community over and above their own private and family interests. The chapter demonstrates that this kind of ideal—the “political meritocracy”—helped to inspire the imperial political system in China's past and Chinese political reformers in the early twentieth century, and may help to justify the political system in China today. However, the meritocratic system needs to be accompanied by democratic mechanisms short of competitive elections at the top that allow citizens to show that they trust their rulers and provide a measure of accountability at different levels of government. In the Chinese context, however, there is a large gap between the ideal and the reality. Thus, this chapter recommends that a judicious mixture of Confucian-style “soft power” combined with democratic openness, Maoist-style mass line, and Daoist-style skepticism about the whole political system can help to reinvigorate political meritocracy in China.


1994 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Griffin

Most studies of the role of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) have argued that the peak-council has traditionally had little if any authority over its affiliates. This paper contends that this situation changed during the 1980s and that the ACTU achieved a significant degree of internal union authority. Examples of such authority are documented and the combination of external factors, such as the political and economic environment, and internal factors, such as leadership and reduced factionalism, that contributed to this growth of authority are analysed.


Author(s):  
E. V. DUNAEVA

The article is devoted to the role of Shiite clergy in the Islamic revolution and in the political life of Islamic Republic of Iran. The author attempts to analize the possibilities of the Islamic regime’s survival in the context of modernizing society. IRI is a special model of the state system that embodies the idea of the Islamic rule of Imam Khomeini. Its political, socioeconomic, legal spheres are based on Islamic principles. The clergy managed to establish almost absolute control over secular institutions. At the same time, the Iranian regime can not be regarded as the only theocratic. It combines Islamic ideas with republican principles and admits democracy as a form of political participation. Iran’s political system combines elements of the modern Islamic theocracy with republican principles. Over nearly 40-years of its existence (since 1979), the political system underwent certain transformations which were caused by the economic and sociocultural development of the society and external factors. The liberalization of the economic sphere and the development of political parties put on the agenda political changes. Liberal-minded clergy relying on the ideas of religious modernism support the strengthening of democratic elements within the Islamic Republic. Some of them are ready to abandon the principle of “velayat-e faqih” or to reduce the authority of the leader in political sphere. They initiated reforms in political and public sphere.However, the clergy standing on the positions of fundamentalism, is not ready to reduce the Islamic component. They condemn the modernization trends intensified in Iranian society in recent years and are trying to bring the country back to the first post-revolutionary decade. However, the society is not ready to share such approaches. During the recent election campaigns Iranians have supported the liberal forces. The events of early 2018 demonstrated the protest potential of the society.This shows the desire of the citizens for further democratization of the political system and secularization of the public life. Although, there are calls for overthrowing the dictatorship of the clergy among the opposition groups in the West and inside the country. Hopes for the democratisation of the regime have not been lost. If external factors do not have a destructive effect, then the implementation of the Iranian model of modernization can become a reality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
M.M. Aybatov ◽  

The article analyzes the political and legal activity of the deputies of the North Caucasus in the early XX century, during the formation and activity of the State Duma. It is noted that the tsarist administration, modernizing the state-political system of the country, could not ignore the multinational and multi-confessional nature of the Russian state and therefore tried to take into account these features of the Russian state-political system. The article concludes that the involvement of regional MPs in political and legal activities of the first legislature (State Duma) at the beginning of the XX century has allowed to bring to the attention of Central government authorities, the main problems of the North Caucasus region and provides a process for the integration of national and regional elites in the Russian political elite to pinpoint the positions of North Caucasian elites in the political space of the Russian state. But many legislative initiatives put forward by the deputies of the North Caucasus did not find support from the government authorities and their decisions were ostponed indefinitely


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Anita Marwing

This study discusses corruption in the Indonesian political system from Islamic law, particularly regarding the Kleptocracy and political oligarchy. One of the most basic corruption causes comes from an internal personality factor, human’s character; greedy and consumptive. Additionally, some factors also come from human external factors, namely the perpetrators' coercion because they are tied to a system. Corruption is carried out not only by individuals but also in cooperation/conspiracy between the bureaucracy and corporations and political parties. Elites called them Kleptocracy and political oligarchy. This research is descriptive qualitative research with an approach based on legal analysis. This research has found several things. First, corruption in the Indonesian political system can be categorized into acts of Ghulul (treachery), Risywah (Gratification/bribery), Khiyanah (Unfaithful), Sariqah (theft), and Hirabah (Grand Theft/ Robbery). Second. The strategy to eradicate corruption in an Islamic perspective can be carried out by imposing sanctions, including sanctions in the world's dimensions and the hereafter. This research encourages the strengthening of the socio-religious system, especially among religious leaders, as a preventive and curative form of handling corruption in the political system in Indonesia.Penelitian ini membahas tentang korupsi dalam sistem politik Indonesia dalam perspektif hukum Islam, khususnya tentang kleptokrasi dan oligarki politik. Salah satu faktor penyebab korupsi yang paling mendasar adalah faktor kepribadian internal yang tamak, rakus dan konsumtif. Selain itu ada faktor yang memberi pengaruh lebih besar yakni faktor yang datang dari luar diri manusia, karena korupsi yang terjadi dewasa ini kadang adanya unsur keterpaksaan pelaku sebab terikat dalam sebuah sistem. Korupsi saat ini tidak hanya dilakukan oleh perorangan melainkan dalam bentuk kerjasama/persekongkolan antara birokrasi dan korporasi serta para elit-elit partai politik yang disebut dengan kleptokrasi dan oligarki politik. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan berdasarkan legal hukum analisis. Dalam penelitian ini menemukan beberapa hal. Pertama, korupsi dalam dalam sistem politik Indonesia dapat dikategorikan dalam perbuatan Ghulul (Berkhianat), Risywah (Gratifikasi/suap), Khiyanah (Khianat), Sariqah (pencurian), dan Hirabah (Pencurian Besar/Perampokan). Kedua. Strategi pengentasan korupsi dalam perspektif Islam dapat dilakukan dengan pemberian sanksi yang meliputi sanksi berdimensi dunia dan akhirat. Riset ini mendorong penguatan sistem sosio-religi terutama keadaan para pemuka agama sebagai bentuk preventif dan kuratif penanganan korupsi dalam sistem politik di Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-281
Author(s):  
Carlos Moreno Azqueta ◽  

In this paper we present a large-scale comparative analysis model for videogames in which the player manages the development of a political community, which we will call «government simulators». The model, built upon political-science literature and other analytical models for videogames, uses a set of operationalized variables to synthesize the components of the political system represented in games, as well as the structure of objectives and other elements that guide the player’s action, to finally compare them with a set of independent variables. The model will be tested by applying it to three famous government simulators that have received notable academic attention (Civilization V, Tropico IV and Frostpunk), to finally discuss its advantages and limitations.


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