The Origins of Nationalism in East and Central Africa: The Zambian Case

1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Henderson

This article draws attention to the comparative lack of material on the origins of African nationalism in Zambia, and suggests a framework of analysis and possible future areas of research on the subject. In contrast with some other East and Central African territories, Zambia offered little or no primary resistance to the imposition of colonial rule, but in other respects the country resembled neighbouring territories in the first three decades of colonial rule. There is a need for further study of Watch Tower and the Welfare Associations, the former in the inter-war years, the latter in the 1940s. The Copperbelt from 1930 to 1950, with its problems of urbanization and the colour bar, is a vital factor setting Zambia apart from other tropical dependencies. Here, Africans were confronted with the determination of Europeans to retain political and economic power, whatever the policy declarations of the government. The politicization of the territory can be traced from here, and the role of the Bemba-speaking peoples as the spearhead of protest had its origin in their powerful position on the Copperbelt.

Author(s):  
Stanislav Vladimirovich Kalashnikov

The subject of this this research is the normative legal and legal acts of the government bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation included into the Ural Federal District (Kurgan, Sverdlovsk, Tyumen, Chelyabinsk regions, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Ugra and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug) that regulate the administrative legal mechanism for exercising the right of citizens to appeal to the government bodies in the indicated regions. Special  attention is given to the importance and need for legal regulation of the issues associated with arranging additional guarantees and exercising the right of citizens to appeal to government bodies, particularly on the level of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation included into the Ural Federal District. Based on the comprehensive analysis of the aforementioned normative legal act and legal acts, the author reveals the peculiarities of legal regulation of the administrative legal mechanism for exercising the right of citizens to appeal to government bodies in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation included into the Ural Federal District, the limits of norm-setting authorities of the listed regions of the Russian Federation, specificities of securing additional guarantees of the rights of citizens to appeal to government bodies in the corresponding regional laws, approaches towards consolidation of the categorical and conceptual apparatus, determination of parties to legal relations in the area of exercising the right of citizens to appeal to government bodies, the role of normative legal and legal acts of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation included into the Ural Federal District within the mechanism of exercising the right of citizens to appeal to government bodies. The conclusion is formulated on the prospect of the approaches of certain constituent entities of the Russian Federation towards legal regulation of the mechanism for exercising the right of citizens to appeal government. The author also makes recommendation for its improvement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-246
Author(s):  
Sneha Jha

This article, through the use of several surveys, grammar books and articles on language written by colonial officials, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, has explored how language became an instrument in the exercise of colonial power in Bihar in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Taking the case of a particular language Maithili, spoken in the Mithila region of Bihar, the paper has engaged with the suggestion by Bernard S. Cohn that the history of language can help us understand the mechanism of power in a colonial context. The aspirations of the rulers, as well as the intended and unintended implications caused by such experiments, are worth examining. They would help us answer many general questions about colonial policies and power – not just on the theme of language – such as the following: How does one situate the understanding of the rulers while writing a history of colonialism? How do different debates among the colonial administrators shape the policies of the government, and what does that tell us about the nature of colonial rule? How does one see the role of the ‘native’, both as an informant as well as the subject of study? How does one read the native agency?


1998 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 27-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. N. Beach

The rising of the Ndebele and southwestern and central Shona people against colonial rule in the 1890s has become one of the classic cases of such resistance. Yet, since the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980, very little fresh research has been carried out on the subject. This paper re-examines the role of Shona religious authorities in the rising, especially that of the medium of the Nehanda spirit of the Mazowe valley in the central Shona area. In just over a century, the figure of “Mbuya Nehanda” has become the best-known popular symbol of resistance to colonial rule in modern Zimbabwe. She has been commemorated since 1980 in statues, street names, a hospital, posters, songs, novels, and poems, and is soon to be the subject of a full-length feature film. This paper examines the historical basis behind the legend.This legend runs as follows: the historical “Nehanda” was supposed to have been the daughter of the founding ancestor of the Mutapa dynasty, who lived in the fifteenth century. Her ritual incest with her brother Matope gave supernatural sanction to the power of the Mutapa state. After her death, she became a mhondoro spirit, and this spirit possessed a number of mediums (masvikiro, singular svikiro). During periods of possession by the spirit, the svikiro was regarded as speaking with the voice and personality of the original Nehanda and not with her own. In the last part of the nineteenth century one medium, Charwe, was responsible for the organization of resistance to the government of the British South Africa Company and the settlers in the Mazowe valley, and in particular for the killing of H.H. Pollard, Kunyaira, the extremely oppressive Native Commissioner of the area. This resistance began in June 1896, and from then until her capture in late 1897 the Nehanda medium was a major factor in the war. Tried and sentenced to death in March 1898, she refused to convert to Christianity and struggled right up to the moment when she was hanged.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Astri Furqani ◽  
Hafidhah .

In this era, a lot of activities that can not be separated from the practice of cheating or fraud , no exception In the government . Inspektorat Sumenep is the leading institution of internal Local Government in preventing and detecting fraud in the Local Government appropiate Perbup Sumenep No. 29 of 2008 . Dinas Pendidikan Sumenep need attention on the issue . This is due to Dinas Pendidikan Sumenep an agency with the largest number of assets and managing large budgets . These conditions led to the formulation of the problem is How Inspektorat Sumenep role in preventing and detecting fraud in Dinas Pendidikan Sumenep. This study used a qualitative approach in which the focus of this study is Inspektorat role in preventing and detecting fraud at Dinas Pendidikan Sumenep . Primary data obtained by direct interviews with the parties directly related to the determination of the source of research data in a qualitative study using nonprobability sampling . The sampling technique used was purposive sampling . The conclusion of this study, role of the Inspektorat Sumenep in the prevention of fraud in Dinas Pendidikan Sumenep still not maximal . This is due to Inspektorat Sumenep not supervise from the planning / budgeting and not optimal in overseeing and assisting the implementation of the SPIP as an instrument of fraud prevention in Dinas Pendidikan Sumenep . The role of Inspektorat Sumenep in the detection of fraud in Dinas Pendidikan Sumenep done by conducting an audit of financial and asset management in each financial year.Keywords: fraud, government, inspektorat.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Joyce

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the 2016 elections for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and to compare them with those that took place in 2012. It seeks to evaluate the background of the candidates who stood for office in 2016, the policies that they put forward, the results of the contests and the implications of the 2016 experience for future PCC elections. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based around several key themes – the profile of candidates who stood for election, preparations conducted prior to the contests taking place, the election campaign and issues raised during the contests, the results and the profile of elected candidates. The paper is based upon documentary research, making particular use of primary source material. Findings The research establishes that affiliation to a political party became the main route for successful candidates in 2016 and that local issues related to low-level criminality will dominate the future policing agenda. It establishes that although turnout was higher than in 2012, it remains low and that further consideration needs to be devoted to initiatives to address this for future PCC election contests. Research limitations/implications The research focusses on the 2016 elections and identifies a number of key issues that emerged during the campaign affecting the conduct of the contests which have a bearing on future PCC elections. It treats these elections as a bespoke topic and does not seek to place them within the broader context of the development of the office of PCC. Practical implications The research suggests that in order to boost voter participation in future PCC election contests, PCCs need to consider further means to advertise the importance of the role they perform and that the government should play a larger financial role in funding publicity for these elections and consider changing the method of election. Social implications The rationale for introducing PCCs was to empower the public in each police force area. However, issues that include the enhanced importance of political affiliation as a criteria for election in 2016 and the social unrepresentative nature of those who stood for election and those who secured election to this office in these contests coupled with shortcomings related to public awareness of both the role of PCCs and the timing of election contests threaten to undermine this objective. Originality/value The extensive use of primary source material ensures that the subject matter is original and its interpretation is informed by an academic perspective.


Litera ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 38-55
Author(s):  
Rivaa Mukhammad Salem Alsalibi

The subject of this research is the specifics, forms and functions of interaction in social media groups between the representatives of ethnic communities. The goal consists in determination of the role of social networks in adaptation of ethnocultural communities of St. Petersburg. The research is based on the polling technique for acquisition of information on the cognitive, emotional, and behavioral state of a person. The survey was conducted via distribution of questionnaires among the representatives of ethnic groups. The article also employs the method of systematic scientific observation over the social media groups, topic raised therein, as well as reading and analysis of the comments. The scientific novelty of this work consists in outlining of the nature, trends and development prospects of cross-cultural communications as the channel for ethnocultural interaction.  The main conclusions, which touch upon users from various ethnic communities who do not have enough experience in organization of activity of social media groups, demonstrate that it causes the loss of the sense of security, accumulation of prejudices and escalation of interethnic conflicts, as well as preference of the with restricted access, which contributes to lock down of the group and impedes adaptation in the accepting society. Stabilization of situation can be achieved by improvement of the quality of content posted in the social media, as well as level of their administration.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1962 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-158
Author(s):  
Carl C. Fischer

REGARDLESS of how we, as individual physicians, may feel about the role of the federal government in the individual practice of medicine, the time has long since passed when we can afford the luxury of ignoring it. In past years the influence of the government on medicine has been mostly in general areas and perhaps least of all in that of pediatrics; but under the present administration there has been a decided change. For this reason it seems necessary to me to call to the attention of all Fellows of the Academy the particular items in President Kennedy's message of February 26, 1962, which relate specifically to the practice of Pediatrics. These may be considered to be three in number: The first of these dealt with the subject of immunization. On this topic President Kennedy said: I am asking the American people to join in a nationwide vaccination program to stamp out these four diseases (whooping cough, diphtheria, tetanus, and poliomyelitis) encouraging all communities to immunize both children and adults, keep them immunized and plan for the routine immunization of children yet to be born. To assist the states and local communities in this effort over the next 3 years, I am proposing legislation authorizing a program of federal assistance. This program would cover the full cost of vaccines for all children under 5 years of age. It would also assist in meeting the cost of organizing the vaccination drives begun during this period, and the cost of extra personnel needed for certain special tasks.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (E) ◽  
pp. 1434-1442
Author(s):  
Faradiba Faradiba ◽  
Lodewik Zet

BACKGROUND: Coronavirus Disease-2019 (COVID-19) is very shocking to the world. Until mid-2020, this virus has not yet found a vaccine that can be produced and can be applied en mass across the country. The spread of COVID-19 differs between regions which implie that regional characteristics have an influence on the rate of growth. Regional and social climate factors are thought to have a role in the growth rate of COVID-19. AIM: This study aims to find the role of climate and social society on the spread of COVID-19. METHODS: This research uses OLS regression analysis method, and then continued with Chi-squared Automatic Interaction Detector analysis to find the segmentation of the role of climate and social factors on the daily growth rate of COVID-19 in positive and deceased patients. RESULTS: The results of this study state that all independent variables of the study have a significant effect on the spread of COVID-19, with R-squared values in positive and deceased patients, respectively 61.1% and 70.0%. Strategic steps are needed to carry out policies that are targeted, effective and efficient. CONCLUSION: The results of this study can be a reference for the government in determining policies to reduce the growth rate of COVID-19, by focusing on areas that have poor sanitary environment and area are on Java Island.


Author(s):  
Clare Jackson

This chapter provides a picture of the uses to which judicial torture was put after 1660. It also reconsiders Hume's ‘vestige of barbarity’: the role of judicial torture in late seventeenth-century Scotland. It first explores the practice of judicial torture in its broader legal, political, and philosophical contexts before turning to consider three specific instances wherein torture was sanctioned. The first concerns the torture in 1676 of the Covenanting preacher, James Mitchell, following his alleged attempt to assassinate the head of the established church, Archbishop James Sharp of St Andrews. The second investigates the torture of William Spence and William Carstares in 1684 on suspicion of treasonable attempts to foment an Anglo-Scottish rebellion against Charles II's authority, and the final case addresses the torture in 1690 of an English political agitator, Henry Neville Payne, in connection with Anglo-Scottish Jacobite intrigues being concerted against the government of William and Mary. Moreover, it describes the role of judicial torture within a domestic Scottish context. It is noted that if judicial torture is regarded as ‘an engine of state, not of law’, primarily deployed to protect civil society, rather than to punish known crimes, then some chilling contemporary parallels emerge.


Author(s):  
Vijay Phulwani

In this essay, Vijay Phulwani posits that Du Bois uses the language of tragedy in 1935’s Black Reconstruction in America to emphasize the constraints and limitations created by white supremacy and subvert the tragic legend of Reconstruction. Informed by his changing understanding of the role of slaves and freedmen in the Civil War and Reconstruction, Du Bois’s ideas moved from an emphasis on internal racial uplift and external political agitation to a theory of economic separatism and a strategic embrace of segregation. Du Bois returned to the subject of Reconstruction many times throughout his career, using it to rethink and further develop his ideas about the form and content of black politics. Phulwani argues that by continuing to analyze Reconstruction, Du Bois was able to simultaneously narrate its history and model alternative strategies for building black political and economic power.


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