The State, Politics and Peasant Unions in Chile

1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricio Silva
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Marked Contrast ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Structural Weakness ◽  
The Military

For the last fifty years Chilean rural unionism has been characterised by a structural weakness vis-à-vis the state, political parties and the vested landed interests. For instance, the formation of peasant unions remained illegal until 1967 and, after a short period of strength during the land reform, they could only barely survive the military takeover of 1973. So, in marked contrast to miners and industrial workers – who since the 1930s have built strong national organisations and achieved significant bargaining power within Chilean society – peasant unions have always had to rely on the support of urban social and political forces to exist.

Strong Societies, Weak Parties: Regime Change in Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and Today

2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Corrales
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Best Interest ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Societal Factors ◽  
The 1950S

AbstractThe literature on the origins of democratic institutions is split between bottom-up and top-down approaches. The former emphasize societal factors that press for democracy; the latter, rules and institutions that shape elites' incentives. Can these approaches be reconciled? This article proposes competitive political parties, more so than degrees of modernization and associationalism, as the link between the two. Competitive political parties enhance society's bargaining power with the state and show dominant elites that liberalization is in their best interest; the parties are thus effective conduits of democracy. In the context of party deficit, the prospects for democratization or redemocratization are slim. This is illustrated by comparing Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and 1990s.

Spanish Political Parties: Before and After the Election

1977 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Story
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Don Juan ◽  
Full Member ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Major Reform

AS LONG AS FRANCO LIVED, ALL MILITARY, LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE powers centred on his person. Regional autonomies were suppressed, unions outlawed and political parties banned on the metaphorically medical grounds that ‘Spain’ was historically addictive to the ‘demoliberal system of inorganic democracy’. But Admiral Carrero Blanco, Franco’s éminence grise, was assassinated on 20 December 1973. His death marked the burial of Franco’s plans to perpetuate the regime beyond his grave. Juan Carlos, son of Don Juan - the heir to Alfonso XIII’s throne - pledged at his inauguration in November 1975 to create ‘a real consensus of national concord’. Spain was to become a full member of Europe, ‘with all that this implies’. Neither pledge was attainable without at least a major reform, or at most a dismantling of the regime’s characteristic institutions: the National Movement and the state syndicates. Both were eventually accomplished by a de facto alliance between the monarch and all political forces in the country opposed to a maintenance of the status quo.

Impact of Political Instability on the Reality of Iraqi Political Parties: A Study According to the Results of the 2018 Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Forces

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.

Agrarian change and agrarian crisis: state and peasantry in post-revolution Ethiopia

Africa ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dessalegn Rahmato
Keyword(s):  
State Policy ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Agrarian Change ◽  
Rural Ethiopia ◽  
The One ◽  
Agrarian Crisis ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis article reviews the agrarian policies of post-revolution Ethiopia and discusses the evolution of relations between the peasantry and the military state in the period 1975-90. In broad terms, state policy changed rapidly from simple, home-flavoured populism in the latter part of the 1970s to hard-line Stalinism in the 1980s. The various rural policies that followed, such as collectivisation, villagisation and resettlement, and their effect on the peasantry are briefly assessed. The central point is that these policies impeded the institutionalisation of the populist land reform, politicised agricultural programmes to the detriment of rural production, and embittered relations between state and peasantry. The article also deals with the structure of power in rural Ethiopia as it was beginning to emerge out of the radical reforms of the period in question. The newly evolving rural elite, peasants active in rural mass organisations, is shown to be closely linked with the state apparatus. The hardening of state policy on the one hand, and peasant resentment on the other, soon led to a sort of unholy alliance between the forces of the state at the local level and the rural elite, giving rise to corruption on a large scale. The rapid escalation of rural insurgency, while not directly addressed, is shown to have been a consequence of the deterioration of relations between peasants and the state. The reform of agrarian Stalinism hurriedly launched in 1990 - discussed at some length in the last section of the article - came much too late to rally the peasantry to the side of the state.

scholarly journals As Origens do Associativismo e do Sindicalismo de Professores do Estado do Maranhão: uma perspectiva histórico-social da educação maranhense (1964-1985)

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
Carlos Bauer ◽  
Vanessa Amorim Dantas
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Social Time ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

RESUMONesses escritos são retomadas algumas passagens da educação pública no estado do Maranhão, desde os anos em que o Brasil esteve sob a égide do regime militar, instalado pela força em 1964, até a retomada democrática no país, realizada a partir dos meados da década de 1980. Tem-se como objetivo analisar os embates que se produziram entre as forças políticas estabelecidas no aparato estatal e os trabalhadores em educação nesse controverso período histórico. Imbuídos dessa perspectiva, os autores buscam delinear o percurso educacional vivenciado pelo maranhenses, a partir da compreensão crítica do contexto sociopolítico daquele momento, da análise das disposições políticas educacionais no domínio federal e sua incidência na esfera localizam as possíveis modificações ocorridas no ensino com a ascensão de novos sujeitos políticos ao governo, como também os pontos nevrálgicos que estão presentes nas lutas deflagradas pela valorização da docência num tempo social reconhecidamente conturbado. Com o estudo dessas trajetórias e suas repercussões nos movimentos associativistas e sindicais dos trabalhadores em educação, procura-se contribuir para ampliação de pesquisas de cunho históricoeducacional e, sobretudo, da história social daqueles que fazem a educação no Maranhão em sua cotidianidade.Palavras-chave: APEMA. História da educação. Maranhão.ABSTRACTIn these writings are taken some passages of public education in the state of Maranhão, from the years when Brazil was under the aegis of the military regime, installed by force in 1964, to the democratic revival in the country, held from mid- 1980. Which objective is to analyze the conflicts that took place between the political forces established in thestate apparatus and workers in education in this controversial historical period. Imbued with this perspective, the authors seek to outline the educational journey experienced by maranhense people, from the critical understanding of the socio-political context of that time, the analysis of education policy provisions in the federal domain and its impact on the state level; thereby locate the possible changes occurredin education with the rise of new political subjects to the government, as well as the hot spots that are present in the struggles triggered by the appreciation of teaching in an admittedly troubled social time. With the study of these trajectories and their impact on associative movementsand unions of workers in education, it seeks to contribute to expand research of historical and educational character and, above all, the social history of those who make education in Maranhao in its daily life. Keywords: APEMA. History of education. Maranhão.RESUMENEn estos escritos se retoman algunos pasajes de la educación pública en el Estado de Maranhão, desde los años en que Brasil estuvo bajo la égida del régimen militar, instalado por la fuerza en 1964, hasta la recuperación democrática en el país, celebrada desde mediados de la década de 1980. Tiene como objetivo analizar los embates que tuvieron lugar entre las fuerzas políticas establecidas en el aparato del Estado y los trabajadores de la educaciónen en este período histórico controvertido. Imbuidos de esta perspectiva, los autores tratan de delinear el camino educativo experimentado por los ciudadanos de Maranhão, desde la comprensión crítica del contexto sociopolítico de la época, del análisis de las disposiciones políticas educacionales en el dominio federal y su incidencia en el ámbito estatal; con eso localizan los posibles cambios ocurridos en la educación con la ascensión de nuevos sujetos políticos al gobierno, así como los puntos críticos que están presentes en las luchas deflagradas por la valorización de la docencia en un tiempo social reconocidamente contubado. Con el estudio de esas trayectorias y sus impactos en los movimentos asociativos y sindicatos de trabajadores en educación, se busca contribuir para ampliar las investigaciones de carácter histórico y educativo y, sobre todo, de la historia social de aquellos que hacen la educación en Maranhão en su cotidianidad.Palabras clave: APEMA. Historia de la educación. Maranhão. 

scholarly journals Deputies from the Mogilev province to the State Duma III and IV: social and political characteristics

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-39
Author(s):  
Dmitry S. Lavrinovich
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Characteristics ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
The Church

The article reveals social characteristics of the State Duma deputies. The author shows that due to the censorship nature of the electoral law of 3 June 1907, the deputy corps was dominated by the representatives of the elite groups of population (nobles, large landowners). Besides, the important role was played by the deputies from the church and the officials. Most of them, according to their political views, were supporters of the conservative centre. Deputies focused on the Stolypin’s land reform and the draft law on the introduction of elected zemstvos in the western provinces of the Russian Empire. In 1915, part of deputies of Duma IV from Mogilev province joined the «Progressive coalition», took part in the fight against the tsarist government, and B. A. Engelhardt, as a Chairman of the Military Commission of the Provisional Committee in the State Duma, played an important role during the February Revolution of 1917.

"Revolutionary Jurisprudence"

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Military

This chapter examines how the Free Officers laid the groundwork for their revolution. During the first six months in power, the officers gradually came to see themselves not only as the vanguard of the struggle for national independence but as legitimate rulers of Egypt. They acted swiftly, purging political ranks and reforming the constitution. They abolished the political parties and assumed direct authority over the country. This was how the Free Officers declared their revolution. The chapter first considers the “blessed movement,” the term used by the Free Officers to refer to themselves, and the military junta they established before discussing the two factions, known as the minimalists and maximalists, that differed in attitude toward the issue of military rule. It also explores how the Free Officers' abolition of political parties intersect with the controversies of the previous six months: the resistance to voluntary “purification” and party organization, and opposition to land reform.

scholarly journals The Military Forces as an instrument of the socialization of the State

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (28) ◽  
pp. 939-970
Author(s):  
Fabian Ricardo Giraldo Chaparro
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Current Process ◽  
The Military ◽  
Different Levels ◽  
Lethal Means

Most states continue building their Armed Forces with the premise of providing security for their citizens. This current process has motivated discussions from favorable and opposing positions. It has become a source of considerable disagreement between political parties, ethnic and religious groups, and even among generations. Because the Armed Forces are associated mainly with the use of force to obtain peace, the training of future military officers in the use of lethal means creates a contradiction in the eyes of many societies. This article demonstrates that the Armed Forces can be seen as a contributor to the socialization of any society. Moreover, they can be perceived as a source of moral strength and the foundation for the development of a nation on different levels.

AGRARIAN REFORM UNDER THE REIGN OF JOKO WIDODO VIEWED FROM BASIC AGRARIAN LAW

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Rizka Refliarny ◽  
Herawan Sauni ◽  
Hamdani Ma'akir
Keyword(s):  
Economic System ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Agrarian Reform ◽  
The State ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Will ◽  
A Priority ◽  
Agrarian Law ◽  
Priority Program

This study raises the issue of agrarian reform draft under the reign of President Joko Widodo. Agrarian reform became a priority program in the RPJMN of 2015-2019. Based on this matter, the writer analyzes the concept of agrarian reform during the reign of Joko Widodo terms of BAL. The nature of the study was a normative research with statute approach, which was done in four ways, namely descriptive, comparative, evaluative and argumentative. The results showed that the agrarian reform draft during the reign of Joko Widodo is a concept of land stewardship and land reform. The economic system leads to a form of capitalism. It is necessary to conduct refinement of content and material of BAL implementation in order to achieve the justice and the welfare of the nation and the State. The agrarian reform program should be carried out in stages in order to obtain the desired results. It requires the will, ability and active involvement of all elements of the state.

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